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MEXICO 



UNDEE 



MAXIMILIAN. 



HENRY M. FBPNT, Esq, 

AUTHOR OF "DRUID'S LETTERS," "LIFE OF SENATOR DOUGLAS," ETC. 






'^'' tVasAinit^'^ 



NATIONAL PUBLISHING COMPANY, 

PUILADELPHIA, PA.; BOSTON, MASS. ; RICHJIOND, VA. ; CINCINNATI, 

OHIO ; CHICAGO, ILL. ; ST. LOUIS, JIO. ; 

ATLANTA, GA. ; NEW ORLEANS. LA. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the j-ear 1867, by 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for 
the Eastern District of P encoy ^v o Bia. 



>-\ i 



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.soii 



DEDICATION. 



TO 

THE EMPRESS CARLOTTA, 

The recollection of whose unwearied labors and 
affectionate solicitude for their prosperity and happi- 
ness, will be forever cherished in the hearts of the 
Mexican people, 
This volume is 

Respectfully dedicated by 

THE AUTHOR. 



l/(o 



3PIIEFA.OE. /2X- 



The object of the author, in writing this 
book, is to remove if possible, to some extent, 
the prejudice which exists against the present 
government of Mexico. This prejudice is based 
upon a misapprehension of the character of that 
government ; and upon the fact that very little 
''s known, in the United States, of what Maxi- 
milian has done for Mexico. If any intelligent 
citizen of the United States should go to that 
,ountry, remain there for six months, make 
himself somewhat acquainted with the Mexican 
people, and see with his own eyes how much 
Maximilian has done for their happiness and 
prosperity, and, above all, compare Mexico 
under a monarchy with what it always has 
been under a republic, he would candidly admit 
that at last Mexico has found the government 

that is suited to her, and that will eventually 

(5) 



6 • PEEFACE. 

raise her to a respectable rank among the 
nations of the earth. The government of 
Maximilian is a limited constitutional monar- 
chy; it is founded upon the choice of the Mexi- 
can people ; and, in spite of the difficulties which 
it has had to contend with, and which environ 
it now, it has done more for the prosperity of 
Mexico ; more for the enlightenment and happi- 
ness of the Mexican people, during the three 
years of its existence, than any republican 
government in Mexico ever did, in thirty, forty, 
or fifty, years. 

It is possible that this book may be unpopu- 
lar. I do not write for popularity^ however, but 
to set forth the truth. From the foundation of 
the republic up to the year 1861, independence 
of thought was considered creditable, and free- 
dom of speech and of the press were regarded 
as the most precious birth-rights of an American 
citizen. From the foundation of the republic 
up to the year 1861, the man who had not 
manliness of soul enough to think for himself, 
and courage enough to express his thoughts 



PKEFACE. 7 

frankly, was despised. No character was more 
contemptible than one who slavishly copied the 
opinions of others, and had no opinions of his 
own. 

This is all changed now. We live under a 
new and "loyal" dispensation. In 1861 and 
1862, the edict went forth that men must stop 
thinking for themselves, and must stop express- 
ing their thoughts. All men must think alike ; 
and they must think in a " loyal" manner. To 
believe that the war against the south was un- 
necessary, and might have been avoided ; to 
believe that it would end in the destruction of 
the Union, and to express that belief, was " dis- 
loyal." To believe that the withholding of 
medicines from the sick in the south was cruel^ 
and to express that belief, was " disloyal." To 
believe that the object of the war on the part 
of the north, was the subjugation and conquest 
of the Southern States and the permanent dis- 
solution of the Union, and to express that 
belief, was "treason." To believe that Abra- 
ham Lincoln was neither a saint nor a statesman, 



8 PREFACE. 

and to express that belief, was to be a " traitor." 
In a word, every one was required to believe as 
the leaders of tbe radical Eepublican party be- 
lieved, and to speak as they spoke. Whoever 
did not do so, was a marked man. 

It was thus that the ideas about the Mexican 
empire sprang up. Napoleon is helping the 
south. Napoleon is going to recognize the South- ^ 
ern Confederacy. Napoleon has established a 
monarchy in Mexico, to which he will annex 
Texas, and to this will be annexed, in time, all 
the Southern States. This was the first song ; 
and nobody was allowed to sing in a different 
tune. Then, again, Napoleon is helping the 
south. Napoleon is going to recognize the 
south. The throne of Maximilian is upheld by 
the presence of French troops, and a French 
army is to be permanently maintained in 
Mexico. This was the next song. Every- 
body's violin, flute, harp, sackbut, and dulcimer, 
must play the same notes, and smashed be the 
fiddle that will not. Then, again, well, at 
any rate. Napoleon desired to help the south, 



PREFACE. 9 

and wished to recognize the Southern Confeder- 
acy. The establishment of a monarchy in 
Mexico was a part of the rebellion. We 
crushed the one ; now we must crush the other. 
This is the present radical song, which they 
have been singing ever since the close of the 
war. It is founded upon the same wise princi- 
ples of statesmanship as the bill of Mr. Thad- 
deus Stevens for changing the ten Southern 
States into five Military Departments. 

That this book has many imperfections, I am 
well aware. The materials, accessible for the 
work, have not been abundant ; nor have I en- 
joyed the opportunity of devoting to it that 
continuous and uninterrupted labor without 
which no literary work can be free from faults. 
I commend it, however, to an indulgent public, 
with the sincere hope that it may dispel many 
of the delusions that have prevailed in relation 
to the Mexican empire. 

H. M. F. 

Washington, Feb. 22, 1867. 



ooisrTEisrTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Mexico before the conquest — Mexico at the time of UI!ortez — Historical 
sketch of Mexico during the last forty years — A constant scene 
of anarchy and confusion — Deplorable condition of the country, 
and of the people, at the time of the French Intervention — Self- 
government in Mexico impossible, and why — Geographical sketch 
of modern Mexico — Vast extent of the country — How the French 
intervention might have been prevented by the United States — 
Mr. MoLane's treaty — "Why it was not ratified 17 



CHAPTER IL 

How the Mexican Empire came to be Established — Origin of the — ' 
French Intervention — The United States had "Conquered and 
Divided" Mexico, and then Left it to its Fate — Touching Appeal 
of the Gentlemen of Mexico to the United States Government — 
^ts Rejection — They Appeal, as a Last Resort, to the Emperor 
Napoleon — Landing of the French Army at Vera Cruz — Military 
Operations — Capture of Puebla — The French Army Enters the 
City of Mexico — The Emperor's Instructions to General Forey 
— Contrast between our Treatment of Mexico in 1847, and the 
Treatment of Mexico by Napoleon — Convocation ofjthe Assem- ' 
bly of Notables — Their Address to the Mexican Nation — General 
Forey Returns to France — He is Succeeded by General Bazaine... 33 

(11) 



12 CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Emperor's Instructions to General Bazaine — Proceedings af the 
Assembly of Notables — They Determine 'upon a Limited Mon- 
archy, and Offer the Crown of Mexico to Prince Maximilian — A 
Deputation of the Notables Proceeds to Europe — Offer of the Crown 
to Maximilian — Remarkable Reply of Prince Maximilian to the 
Offer of the Crown — The Conditions npon which he Bases his 
Consent — Approval of these Conditions by the Emperor Na- 
poleon 49 

CHAPTER IV, 

The Mexican People VoteHipon a Change in the Government — 
Popular Ratification of the Action of the Notables — The Mexican 
People Pronounce in Favbr of Maximilian for Emperor — Manner 
in which this Election was Conducted — Its Perfect Ereedoni — 
Every Mexican Votecl — This Election in Mexico Compared with 
the Elections in Maryland for Three Years past — Two-thirds of 
the Voters of Maryland Disfranchised — Superior Ereedom of the 
Mexican Election 66 

CHAPTER V. 

Maximilian's Second Condition also Complied with — The Stability of 
the Mexican Empire Guaranteed by France, Austria, and Belgium 
— A Deputation of Mexicans Arrive at Miramar — Maximilian 
Accepts the Mexican Crown — Embarkation of Maximilian for 
Mexico — The Voyage across the Atlantic — ^Arrival at Vera Cruz 
— Reccjjtion there — Proclamation of Maximilian on Landing — 
Arrival at the City of Mexico— Reception there — Rejoicings of 
the People — Festivities and Illuminations — Immensity of the Task 
which Maximilian found before him — Measures which he Adopted 
to Secure the Prosperity and Happiness of the People^Good 
Effect of these Measures — Revival of Commerce, and of all 
Branches of Business — Effect of the Encouragement of Industry 
— Gradual Increase in the Revenues of Mexico 87 



CONTENTS. 13 



CHAPTER VI. 

Cauijes of the Success of Maximilian's Government — Severe Measurea 
Adopted against the Guerillas — Good Effect of these Measures — ■ 
The Authority of the Empire Gradually Extended over the Whole 
of Mexico — Republican Mexican Soldiers join the Army of Max- 
imilian — Their Reasons for doing so — Construction of Railroads, 
and Other Works of Internal Improvement — The New Coinage — 
The Finanoes^Encouragement Afforded to Education by Maxi- 
milian — Encouragement Extended to Literature — Freedom of 
Religion in Mexico — The Administration of Justice — Publication 
of the Mexican Laws — Admirable Features of the Mexican Code 
— The Empress Carlotta — Her Visit to Yucatan 104 

CHAPTER VIL 

Arms and Ammunition Shi2)ped to the Mexican Liberals from New 
York — The Steamer Everman — Attempts of the Radicals in Con- 
gress to Loan Thirty Millions of Government Funds to Juarez — 
Measures Taken by Maximilian to Supply the Place of the 
French Troops — The Emperor Anticipates Intervention by the 
United States in Favor of Juarez — Mission of the Empress 
Carlotta to Europe — Sickness of the Empress — Embarrassing 
Situation of Affairs in Mexico — Outrages of the Mexican 
Liberals — Sickness of the Emperor — He Retires to Orizaba — 
The Sherman and Campbell Mission to Mexico — Mr. Camijbell's 
Instructions — Utter Failure of the Mission — Results of the Mis- 
sion — It Demonstrated the Attachment of the Mexican People to 
Maximilian — The Question of Abdication Presented to Maxi- 
milian — He Refuses to Abdicate — Generous Conduct of the Clergy 
and Merchants — Encouraging Prospects of the Empire 12S 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Policy of the United States toward Mexico — Question before the 
" Lincoln Administration" : " Shall we Save the Mexican Repub- 
lic?" — Consequences to the North of Interference in Opposition 



14 CONTENTS. 

to jSTapoleon — Object of the American Civil War — InterferencQ 
■with the Emperor Napoleon would Defeat that Object — Critical 
Condition of the North in 1862 — Consequences to the North 
if the Emperor Napoleon should Recognize the South — The 
United States Determine to Maintain a Neutral Policy — The 
United States Government Acknowledges the Right of France 
to make War on the Mexican Republic, and to Secure the 
Fruits of Victory 154 

CHAPTER IX. 

Policy of President Johnson's Administration toward Mexico — His 
Message in December, 1865 — Our Policy to be Based upon the 
Principle of Non-intervention — We must Finally Recognize the 
Government de Facto — Why Mr. Logan was Appointed Minis- 
ter to Mexico — Why he Refused the Appointment — Why Mr. 
Cam2)bcll was Appointed — Why Mr. Campbell is Not Permitted 
to go to Mexico — No Constitutional Republican Government in 
Mexico in Existence — Juarez a Usurper 16.3 

CHAPTER X. 

What is the Monroe Doctrine? — Is it a Constitutional Enactment? 
— Is it an Irrepealable Law? — Absurdity of the Doctrine — It 
has no Binding Force — Why it ought to be Repudiated 183 

CHAPTER XL 

Policy of the Emperor Napoleon toward Mexico — Objects of the 
French Exj)edition — The Emperor Never Intended the French 
Troops to Remain Long in Mexico — The Arrangements for the 
Withdrawal of the French Troops were not made until the 
Stability of the Empire was Secured — Detailed Exposition, by 
the French Government, of the Objects and Purposes of the 
Emperor Napoleon — Principles upon which the Mexican Em- 
pire was Established — Why it is Supported by Napoleon — The 
Negotiations between France and the United States for the 
AVithdrawal of the French Troops — France Desires a Guarantee 
of Neutrality on the Part of the United States — Mr. Seward 
Gives the Guarantee of Neutrality 197 



CONTENTS. 15 



APTENDIX, 



Treaty between the Emperor of France and the Emperor of Mexico, 
April 10th, 1864, regulating the conditions of the stay of the 
French troops in Mexico 219 

II. 

The French Government to the French Minister at Washington, 

August irth, 1865 223 



III. 

Mr. Seward to the French Minister at Washington, February 12th, 
1866, in reply to the dispatch of the French Government of Janu- 
ary 9th, 1866. See a)ife, page 210 228 



IV. 

The French Government to the French Minister at Washington, April 
5th, 1866, accepting as satisfactory Mr. Seward's assurance of 
absolute neutrality on the part of the United States, made in his 
dispatch of February 12th, 1866, and fixing the time for the 
departure of the French troops from Mexico 252 



The celebrated Cable Dispatch of Mr. Seward, November 23d, 1866, 
which the French Government refused to receive 255 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 



CHAPTER I. 

Mexico before the conquest — Mexico at the time of Cortez — Historical 
sketch of Mexico during the last forty years — A constant scene of 
anarchy and confusion — Deplorable condition of th« country, and of the 
people, at the time of the French Intervention — Self-government in 
Mexico impossible, and why — Geographical sketch of modern Mexico — 
Vast extent of the country — How the French intervention might have 
been prevented by the United States — Mr. McLane's treaty — Why it 
was not ratified. 

"When Cortez landed in Mexico, a hundred years 
before the Puritans jumped ashore at Plymouth Rock, 
he found a people with an established government, 
skilled in useful arts, contented, hospitable, and cour- 
teous. They had no written literature, and conse- 
quently no written history. But in their sculpture, 
their mounds, their monuments, and their vast pyra- 
mids, were found recorded the annals of a former 
empire of barbaric and extravagant splendor. Even 
at this time, the Spaniards found around them in 
abundance, gold, silver, precious stones, woollen and 
cotton cloth, dyes of the most gorgeous purple 
2 01) 



18 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILrAN, 

and scarlet hues ; and their avarice soon tempted 
them to deeds of treachery, rapacity, and blood. The 
system of merciless oppression, extortion, and fraud, 
which then commenced, continued for three hundred 
years. 

Cortez, however, transplanted to Mexico a Spanish 
civilization, which, gradually spreading over the 
whole land, has endured to the present time. " Under 
this Spanish regime, princely cities grew with amaz- 
ing rapidity, with royal mansions, and richly sub- 
stantial abodes. Cathedrals and convents — vast, 
massive, everlasting — endowed and adorned with 
unmeasured wealth, impressed' and awed every 
neighborhood. 'Haciendas,'' the homes of country 
gentlemen, controlling the labor of thousands of 
' peo7is,^ at a mere nominal expense, dotted the land 
at wide distances from each other, with castle piles 
to defy attacks of robbers, of armies, or of time. 
Koads and bridges, arches, culverts, aqueducts and 
viaducts were built, master-pieces of skill and strength 
which still exist to attract the admiration and amaze- 
ment of future ages. Argosies -of silver, gold, orna- 
mental woods, dyes, and drugs, floated ofi' to old 
Spain. All the surface of the country was parcelled 
out, by royal grant, to favorites of fortune and the 
Crown. While one class surrendered themselves to 
aggrandizement, to high living, culture, politeness, 
elegance, and vice; the other was degraded into 



MEXICO UXDER MAXLMILIAX. 19 

uucared-for pieces of macliineiy, of muscle, and 
bone. The whole country regarded but as 'the 
mine and mint' of Spain, its agriculture was not only 
neglected, but positively repressed by xleclaring 
iitheahle its natural luxuriant productions ; treated 
as a colony of vassals, these were not allowed to be 
devoted to an}-- of those branches of industry that 
foster the independent and manly growth of a people, 
but solely to those that would crush out whatever 
there might be of native aspiration ; all ground down 
into one intense work of digging, separating, and 
coining silver and gold ; and with the colonization of 
other peoples prevented, the exclusive Spaniards 
grafted themselves upon the conquered and debased 
aborio^ines, and the mongrel blood, with the haughti- 
ness of the one side, and the indifference of the other 
glided into the life of the robber-guerilla, with the 
efiect of perpetuating the exclu^n of other races and 
the non-production of the country. 

" Such is a brief history and outlined picture of 
Mexico from ' the conquest' down to the ' Indepen- 
dence' of 1821 ; such the unpromising elements for 
the foundation of an independent political society!"* 

It would weary the reader without profit, to 
recount the incessant revolutions since 1821. In 
the space of forty-two years, down to 1863, Mexico" 

* Dr. Massey's lecture on Mexico. 



20 MEXICO (JXDER MAXIMILIAN". 

was blessed, (or cursed) with thirty different forms of 
government, and with seventy-five different Presi- 
dents, Dictators, and other rulers. 

First, however, Iturbide was proclaimed and 
crowned Emperor : and the empire of Mexico was 
formally recognized by President Monroe. Yictoria 
the first President, was succeeded by Pedraza, " who 
was declared successful by a majority of only two 
votes over his competitor, Guerrero. Before Pedraza 
had taken his seat, he was 'pronounced' against by 
the defeated candidate, who in the course of the year, 
was successful, and Guerrero was 'declared' legally 
elected, with Bustamente for Vice-President. Guerrero 
had scarcely been installed when the Vice-President 
'pronounced;' and Guerrero was overthrown, fled, 
caught, and executed for treason, and Bustamente 
installed as President! But very brief tranquillity 
followed, and Santa Anna 'pronounced' against 
Bustamente and in ftivor of Pedraza, whom he had 
been instrumental in driving out only two years 
before ! Bustamente abdicated, and Pedraza was 
brought back to serve out the remaining three 
months of the term for which he had been declared 
first elected, in order that, upon the expiration of 
that brief period, Santa Anna might thus, dexterous]}^, 
become his successor. This accomplished, in order 
to pay back a very natural grudge, when Santa Anna 



MEXICO UNDER MAXDIILIAX. 21 

had gone up after the Texans, Bustaraento took the 
opportunity again to usurp power, 

"But it would be a waste of time to even sketcli any- 
more of these usurpations and overthroAvs, distin- 
guished from each other scarcely by the respective 
pretences or plans of execution. At one time the 
'Leperos/ the extreme of the degraded of that 
population, after sacking the capital and perpetrating 
every enormity and outrage, became ' the ruling 
class ;' and Alvarez, with five thousand ' Pintos' 
— the Indians of the State of Guerrero, whose skins 
are spotted and eyes wliite with an hereditary 
leprosy peculiar to their mountains — in rags and filth, 
captured the city of Mexico, and ' declared' their 
chief President. Alvarez served less than three 
months, when, wearied of so much civilization, he 
voluntarily and arbitrarily turned over the govern- 
ment to Comonfort, and betook himself to his own 
kind, in their own mountain passes, where he still 



reigns 



" The ease with which the supreme authority could 
be destroyed or overthrown ; the absurd facility with 
which constitutions and so-called constitutional elec- 
tions could be created or set aside by any bold and 
daring chieftain, had been established in the fii'st 
months of 'independent' existence; and experience 
has shown how many there were to take advantage 
of the example. 



22 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAX. 

"The part played by the condition of 'the Public 
Treasury' can liave no stronger illustration than in 
the fact that Herrera, fortifjdng his exchequer with 
the United States gold which bought the ' peace' of 
18-i8, held on to the Presidency for the whole term 
for which he had been selected — the only example in 
Kistory since the first Presidency.""^ 

Up to the year 1836, the territorial extent of 
Mexico was twice as great as at present. It included 
Texas and California, New Mexico, Utah, and 
Arizona. At the end of the Texan revolution, in 
1836, and when Texas became finally separated from 
Mexico in 1837, the limits of that state were not 
accurately ascertained, and the question remained in 
dispute until the annexation of Texas to the United 
States in 1815. The annexation was followed by the 
war with Mexico in 1816 and 1847. In 1818, when 
peace was made, we had "acquired" a generous slice 
of Mexico, including what is now California, Utah, 
Nevada, Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico. 
Shorn of these States and of Texas, Mexico still re- 
mained, however, a country of vast extent. It 
stretches now through sixteen degrees of latitude, 
from the sixteenth to the thirty-second, or as far 
as from Portland in Maine, to New Orleans ; and 
without counting Yucatan at all, through twenty-five 
degrees of longitude, from the fourteenth to the 



* Dr. Massey's lecture on Mexico. 



MEXTCO UXDKK MAXTMTLIAy. 23 

fortietli degree of "west longitude, or many miles 
further than from Boston to St. Louis. From 
the north-west corner of Mexieo to the city of 
Chiapas, south of the Gulf of Campeach}^, the distance 
is one thousand nine hundred miles, while from Port- 
land in Maine to Galveston in Texas, it is only one 
thousand seven hundred. From El Paso to the city 
of Mexico the distance is one thousand miles ; as far 
as from St. Louis to Hartford in Connecticut, or from 
Baltimore to New Orleans, 

The territory of Mexico contains seven hundred 
and ninety three thousand square miles, or more than 
the following twenty-four states in our own country, 
namely: 

Yirginia contains 61,800 sq. miles, 

Florida " 59,200 " 

Georgia " 58,000" 

Micliigan " 56,200 " 

Alabama " 50,^00 " 

Mississippi '' 4t,100 " 

Wisconsin " 53,900 " 

New York ,.. " 46,000 " 

Pennsylvania " 46,000 " 

Tennessee " 45,600" " 

North Carolina " 45,000" 

Ohio " 39,900" 

Kentucky " S^.TOO " 

Indiana " 33,t00 " 



24 MEXICO UNDJiE MAXIMILIAN. 

Maine contains 30,000 sq. miles 

South Carolina " 24,500" 

Maryland " 9,300 " 

New Jersey " 8,300" 

New Hampshire and Vermont . " 18,200 " " 

Massachusetts and Connecticut " 12,400 " " 

Delaware and Rhode Island ... " 3,300 " " 

Total 186,400 sq. miles. 

The above States all lie together, and it will be well 
to give a look at them on the map. They comprise 
the whole of that part of the territory of the United 
States which lies east of the Mississippi river. Let 
us glance now, at the extent of the twenty-eight 
Mexican States, as follows,: — 

STATES, CAPITALS, AND POPULATION OF MEXICO. 

Mexico is divided into twenty-two States, six Terri- 
tories, and a Federal District.* 

* The Constitution of 1857, made in this pohtical division of 
Mexico the following alterations : 

Title II. — Section 2. Art. 43. The Mexican confedera- 
tion is composed of twenty-four States and one Territory, the 
names of which are as follows : Aguascalientes, Oolima, Chiapa, 
Chihuahua, Durango, Guanajuato, Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico, 
Michoacan, Nuevo Leon and Cohahuila, Oajaca, Puebla, Qucr- 
etaro, San Luis Potosi, Sinaloa, Sonora, Tabasco, Tamauhpas, 
Tlaxcala, the Valley of Mexico, Vera Cruz, Yucatan, Zacatecas, 
and the Territory of Lower California. 

Art. 44. The States of Aguascalientes, Chiapa, Chihuahua, 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 



25 



states. 
Aguascalientes .... i2,739 

Chiapa 18,679 

Chihuahua 83,512 

Cohahuila 36,572 

Durango 48,489 

Guanajuato 11,396 

Guerrero 32,003 

Jalisco 48,591 

Mexico 19,539 

Michoacan 22,993 

Nuevo Leon 16,688 

Oajaca .' 23,642 

Puebla 8,879 

Queretaro 1,884 

San Luis Potosi ... 28,142 

Sinaloa 33,722 

Sonora 100,228 



Population 
in 18o8. 



Superficial or 
square miles. 

88,329 
167,472 
164,073 

67,590 
144,331 
729,103 
279,109 
804,058 
1,129,629 
554,585 



145,779 
525,938 
658,609 
165,155 
397,189 
163,714 
139,374 



Capitals. Inhabitants. 

Aguascalientes 39,693 

San Cristobal 7,649 

Chihuahua 12,069 

Saltillo 19,898 

Durango 22,000 

Guanajuato 48,954 

Tixtla 6,501 

Guadalajara 68,000 

Toluca 12,000 

Morelia 25,000 

Monterey 17,309 

Oajaca 25,000 

Puebla 71,631 

Queretaro 29,702 

San Luis P/btosi 19,678 

Caliacan 9,647 

Ures 6,009 



Durango, Guerrero, Mexico, Puebla, Queretaro, Sinaloa, Sonora, 
Tamaulipas, and the Territory of Lower California, retain the 
boundaries which they have had hitherto (1857.) 

Art. 45. The States of Colima and of Tlaxcala retain, being 
erected into States, boundaries which they had when they 
were only Territories of the confederacy. 

Art. 46. The State of the Yalley of Mexico comprises the 
territory which has, until now, (1857,) formed the federal dis- 
trict ; but it will only take rank as a State when the federal 
government shall have been removed to some other place. 

Art. 47. The State of Nuevo Leon and Cohahuila, com- 
prises the former Territory of Nuevo Leon and Cohahuila, 
unless the hacienda of Bonanza shall be re-incorporated into 
the State of Zacatecas. 

The other States, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Vera Cruz, and San 
Luis Potosi, make some exchanges of towns to rectify their 
frontier lines. 



26 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 



Superficial or 
States. Square miles. 

Tabasco 12,359 

Tamaulipas 30,344 

Vera Cruz 27,415 

Yucatan 48,869 

Zacatecas 27,768 

Territories. 

Lower California.. 60,662 

Colima 3,019 

Isla de Carman.... 7,298 

Sierra Gorda 3,127 

Tehuantepec 12,526 

Tlaxcala 1,984 

District. 
Federal District... 90 



Population 

in 1858. Capitals. Inhabitants. 

70,628 San Juan Bautista. 5,300 

109,673 Victoria 4,621 

349,125 Vera Cruz 9,647 

668,623 Merida 23,575 

296,789 Zacatecas 15,427 

12,000 La Paz 1,254 

62,109 Colima 31,774 

11,807 V. del Carmen 3,068 

55,358 San Luis de la Paz. 4,411 

82,395 Minatitlan 339 

90,158 Tlaxcala 3,463 



260,534 City of Mexico 205,000 

Total 793,179 8,400,236 

The population has increased since 1793 at the 
folio wins: rate : 



Years. Population. 

1793 5,273,029 

1803 5,873,100 

1808 6,500,000 

1824 6,500,000 

1830 7,996,000 



Years. Population. 

1839 7,065,000 

1842 7,015,509 

1851 7,867,520 

1854 7,853,395 

1858 8,287,413 



The population is composed of about one million 
white, descendants of Europeans, four million Indians, 
six thousand blacks, and three million four hundred 
thousand metis (part white and part Indian) or mulat- 
toes (part white and part black.) The foreigners, to the 
number of nine thousand two hundred and thirty-four 
in 1838, are classed as follows : Spaniards, five thous- 
and one hundred and forty-one ; French, two thousand 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 27 

and forty-eiglit ; English, six hundred* and fifteen; 
GermanS; six hundard and eighty-one ; Americans, 
four hundred and forty -four ; miscellaneous, four hun- 
dred and five. 

In 1856, the Mexican people rose against Santa 
Anna, and made M. Comonfort President. Quarrels 
between the "republican" chiefs, however, immedi- 
ately ensued. Sixteen days after he had been in- 
augurated, Comonfort felt it necessary to arrest Benito 
Juarez, in order to prevent the latter from seizing the 
supreme power,. On the 11th of January, 1858, how- 
ever, the latter was released. He immediately set up 
the standard of revolt, and on the 22d of the same 
month, he overthrew the administration of Comonfort, 
and proclaimed himself President of Mexico. 

In 1860, the Governments of England, France, and ] 
Spain made a simultaneous demand upon Mexico, for / 
the settlement of certain claims of long standing due i 
to the citizens of those countries. The Mexican ^ 
treasury, of course, was empty as usual. Juarez could / 
not pay these claims, which amounted to forty mil- | 
lion dollars. The three nations had anticipated this / 
inability. They sent a combined fleet and an allied / 
army, and this allied force appeared off Yera Cruz in / 
December, 1861. This was the commencement of the 
French intervention in Mexico. 

Before this, however, certain American statesmen 
had endeavored to make two treaties with Mexico, 



28 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

The first was negotiated by Mr. McLane, ia Mr. 
Buclianan's administration, in 1860. 

That treaty would have been vastly advantageous 
10 us in a commercial point of view, and would, in all 
probability, have prevented the subsequent interven- 
tion by England and France, and the preseut estab- 
lishment of the Mexican Empire. 

By this treaty the Mexican Government granted 
the right of way for railroad purposes, through the 
States of Sonora and Chihuahua, with a protectorate 
over the same ; in consideration of which the United 
States agreed to loan Juarez four millions of dollars. 
What would have been the result of the ratification 
of this treaty ? In the first place, it would have 
firmly established the constitutional republican gov- 
ernment of Mexico, under President Juarez, It would 
have enabled the latter to have paid off the foreign 
debts of Mexico, thus taking away all pretence for 
subsequent French interference ; and, finally, it would 
have enabled the Mexican people to demonstrate 
whether or not they were capable of living under a 
Eepublican Grovernment. Besides that, it would have 
given us an opportunity, and the means of building a 
Southern Pacific Eailroad, running through Texas, 
with its western terminus at the seaport of Guaymas. 
Suppose the four million dollars had never been re- 
paid, what then ? We would have a protectorate over 
the whole of the two northern States of Mexico. 



/•' 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 29 

They would already be in our possession, and they 
would, ultimately, have been ceded to the United States, 

WHY WAS THE TREATY NOT RATIFIED, 

That treaty, however, failed to receive the ratifica- 
tion of the Senate, It is true that this treaty pledged 
the United States to uphold the Monroe doctrine (as 
it was then understood, and as it has been until now 
understood) in Mexico, Was that the reason why it 
was not ratified ? A¥hatever the reason was, the re- 
fusal of the Senate to ratify this treaty, prepared 
the way for the downfall of the Mexican Eepublic, 
and opened the way for the establishment of the 
empire, 

Mr, Buchanan, under whose administration this 
treaty was negotiated, thus speaks of it : — 

" The President having failed in obtaining authority 
from Congress to employ a military force in Mexico, as 
a last resort adopted the policy of concluding a treaty 
with the Constitutional Government. By this means he 
thought something might be accomplished, both to 
satisfy the long-deferred claims of American citizens, 
and to prevent foreign interference with the internal Gov- 
ernment of Mexico. Accordingly, Mr. McLane, on the 
14th day of December, 1859, signed a 'treaty of transit 
and commerce' with the Mexican Republic, and also a 
* convention to enforce treaty stipulations, and to main- 
tain order and securlt}^ in the territory of the republics 



30 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 

of Mexico and the United States.' These treaties se- 
cured peculiar and highly valuable advantages to our 
trade and commerce, especially in articles the produc- 
tion of our agriculture and manufactures. They also 
guaranteed to us the secure possession of the Tehuante- 
pec route, and of several other transit routes for our 
commerce, free from dut}^, across the territories of the 
republic, on its way to California and our other posses- 
sions on the northwest coast, as well as to the inde- 
pendent republics on the Pacific coast and in eastern 
Asia. 

''In consideration of these advantages, 'and in com- 
pensation for the revenue surrendered by Mexico on the 
goods and merchandize transported free of duty through 
the territory of that republic, the Government of the 
United States agreed to pay the Government of Mexico 
the sum of four millions of dollars.' Of this sum two 
millions wei'e to be paid immediately to Mexico, and the 
remaining two millions were to be retained by our Gov- 
ernment ' for the payment of the claims of citizens of 
the United States against the Government of the Ke- 
public of Mexico for injuries already inflicted, and 
which may be proven to be just, according to the law 
and usages of nations and the principles of equity.' It 
was believed that these stipulations, whilst providing two 
millions toward the payment of the claims of our citi- 
zens, Avould enable President Juarez, with the remain- 
ing two millions, to expel the usurping Government of 
Miramon from the capital, and place the Constitutional 
Government in possession of the whole territory of the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 31 

Republic. This, wc need not say, would greatly pro- 
mote the interests of the United States. Besides, what 
was vastly important, these treaties, by vesting in the 
United States territorial and commercial rights which 
we would be bound to defend, might for this reason 
have prevented any European Government from at- 
tempting to acquire dominion over the territories of 
Mexico, and thus the Monroe doctrine would probably 
have remained inviolate. With this view Mr. McLane 
was seriously impressed. In his dispatch of September 
14, 1859, to the Secretary of State, communicating the 
treaties, he expressed the apprehension that, should 
they not be ratified, further anarchy would prevail in 
Mexico, until it should be terminated by direct interfer- 
ence from some other quarter. 

On the 4th of January, 1860, the President submitted 
to the Senate the treaty and the convention, with a 
view to their ratification, together with the dispatch of 
Mr. McLane. These, on the same day, were referred to 
the Committee on Foreign Relations. Whether any or 
what other proceedings were had in relation to them we 
are unable to state, the injunction of secresy never 
having been removed by the Senate. Mr. McLane, who 
was then in Washington, had a conference with the 
committee, and received the impression that a compara- 
tive unanimity existed in favor of the principal provi- 
sions of the treaty ; but in regard to the convention, the 
contingency of its possible abuse was referred to as 
constituting an objection to its ratification. Certain it 
is that neither the one nor the other was ever approved 



32 MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN. 

by the Senate, and consequently both became a dead 
letter. The Republic of Mexico was thus left to its 
fate, and has since become an empire under the domin- 
ion of a scion of the House of Hapsburg, protected by. 
the Emperor of the French. The righteous claims 
of American citizens have therefore been indefinitely 
postponed. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. S3 



CHAPTER II. 

How the Mexican Empire eame to be Established — Origin of the French 
Intervention — The United States had " Conquered and Divided" Mexico, 
and then Left it to its Fate — Touching Appeal of the Grentlemen of 
Mexico to the United States Government — Its Rejection — They Appeal, 
as a Last Resort, to the Emperor Naj)oIeon — Landing of the French 
Army at Vera Cruz — Military Operations — Capture of Puebla — The 
French Army Enters the City of Mexico — The Emperor's Instructions 
to General Forey — Conti-ast between our Treatment of Mexico in 1847, 
and the Treatment of Mexico by Napoleon — Convocation of the Assem- 
bly of Notables — Their Address to the Mexican Nation — General Forey 
Returns to France — He is Succeeded by General Bazaine. 

Such was tlie deplorable condition of Mexico, when 
tlie Emperor Napoleon determined to deliver that un- 
happy country from anarchy, and give her a permanent 
government. France had had claims of long standing 
against Mexico, of which it had been impossible to 
obtain a settlement, owing to the absence of any per- 
manent government with which to treat. When 
France made war against Mexico, in 1861, what she 
required was, the redress of grievances and a govern- 
ment able and willing to give guarantees for the 
future. That was certainly not more than we had re- 
quired of Mexico, when we made war against her in 
1816. We required ample indemnity for the past, 
which we took in the shape of nearly a quarter of her 



34 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

territory ; and security for the future, wtiich we got 
by reducing her to a position of utter helplessness. 
We had got all that we cared for from Mexico, when 
we "acquired" California, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, 
and New Mexico, in 1848 ; and we then left that 
country to her fate. 

Ten years elapsed, and the condition of the country 
became more and more deplorable. Then, in 1859, 
the intelligent portion of the people of Mexico made one 
last effort for the establishment of some form of govern- 
ment that would guarantee public order and private 
interests. There was a prospect, at one time, that this 
would be accomplished by direct treaty with the 
United States — the treaty negotiated by Mr. McLane. 

The publication of that treaty, with the accompany- 
ing correspondence, revealed the fact that no govern- 
ment existing or likely to exist in Mexico had the 
power to give effect to treaty stipulations, or protection 
to the citizens of the United States sojourning in 
Mexico. The accompanying convention provided for 
the direct intervention of the military power of the 
United States to enable the Mexican Government to 
insure the due execution of the commercial treaty, and 
to secure the safety of the transits conceded by the 
same. 

This treaty, as well as the subsequent one negotiated 
by Mr. Corwin for the same purpose, failed to receive 
the ratification of the United States Senate ; and it is 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 85 

not too mucli to say that the extinction of the Mexican 
Eepublic is the result of the failure of those treaties. 
The Mexicans who, in 1863, invited Maximilian to the 
throne, before applying for help in Europe, having 
failed in securing the intervention of the United 
States Government in their behalf, "raised a large 
fund," says Mr. Sylvester Mowry, "and proposed to 
certain influential and intelligent gentlemen in the 
United States to unite with them in establishiug in 
Mexico a strong government. Several officers of the 
old regular army were enlisted in the cause, some of 
them now distinguished and dear to the American 
people. The arrangements were being perfected ; a 
government with probably Iturbide at its head was to 
have been established — with the administration of 
affairs in American hands. Money to an adequate 
amount to secure success was obtained — eight millions 
alone from Mexico. A memoir prepared by one of the 
leading men of New York to-day, assisted by McClellan, 
Charles P. Stone, the writer, and the most intelligent, 
wealthy, and influential Mexicans, which, I am in- 
formed, has been perused with great pleasure and 
profit by the Emperor Napoleon, embodied the statis- 
tics and plan of the enterprise. When success was 
certain if let alone, the United States Government, 
whose neutrality was implored by all worth recog- 
nizing in Mexico, put out the hand of authority, and 
the enterprise was reluctantly abandoned. Failing in 



36 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

getting either private or public assistance here, the 
Mexicans, who had property and life at stake, appealed 
to Europe, and the throne of Maximilian is the result." 

Subsequently, one of these Mexican gentlemen said 
to Mr. Mowry : 

" We tried, as you know, for years to get the United 
States to help Mexico. She would neither do it as a 
government nor permit an association of private indi- 
viduals to do it. As a last hope, we came to Europe, 
and got the help we needed. If the United States 
will recognize Maximilian, or say that they will remain 
neutral, and keep so, we can get all the money in 
Europe needed for our government until the home 
revenues are sufficient to sustain it and pay the inter- 
est on our national debt. If the United States makes 
war on Maximilian she makes war on Mexico. 
Europe will furnish us money and men, and we, the 
gentlemen of Mexico, will gain in the army, at least 
the glory of dying for our country, in defence of the 
only government worthy the name it has had or can 
hope to have." 

This was the simple, truthful sentiment of the intel- 
ligent, wealthy, decent, responsible people of Mexico. 

The French forces landed at Yera Cruz in December, 
1861. The whole of the year 1862 passed away without 
any serious movement being made by the Emperor 
Napoleon for the conquest of Mexico. His army was 
on the spot, making demonstrations toward Puebla 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 37 

but it would seem that he was waiting to see whether our 
government would take any step to uphold the Monroe 
doctriue, No obstacle was placed in his way by our 
government; however, and on the 19th of November, 
1862, Mr. Corwin wrote to Mr. Seward that there were 
then forty-two thousand French troops besieging 
Puebla, and that the capture of the city of Mexico it- 
self would speedily follow that of Puebla. On the 
27th 'of January, 1863, there were twenty thousand 
Mexican troops defending Puebla, which was strongly 
fortified ; while on the 1st of May, 1863, General 
Comonfort, with fifteen thousand additional Mexican 
troops, was advancing to the relief of the place. Be- 
fore the end of May, however, Comonfort was defeated, 
and Puebla was captured by the French. Early in 
June, 1863, Juarez evacuated the city of Mexico, and 
on the 12th, General Forey entered and took posses- 
sion of the capital. 

This is the proper place to examine the instructions 
of the Emperor Napoleon, under which these military 
operations were conducted. They are contained in 
his letter*;o General Forey, as follows : 

" The Emperor to General Forey, 

" FoNTAiNEBLEAU, July 3, 1862. 
" My dear General: — At the moment when you are 
about to leave for Mexico, charged with political and 
military powers, I deem it useful that you should un- 
derstand my wishes. 



38 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

** This is the line of conduct which you are expected 
to pursue : 1. To issue a proclamation on your arrival, 
the principal ideas of which will be indicated to you. 
2. To receive with the greatest kindness all Mexicans 
who may join you. 3. To espouse the quarrel of no 
party, but to announce that all is provisional until the 
Mexican nation shall have declared its wishes ; to show 
a great respect for religion, but to reassure at the same 
time the holders of national property. 4. To supply, 
pay, and arm, according to your ability, the auxiliary 
Mexican troops : to give them the chief part in com- 
bats. 5. To maintain among your troops, as well as 
among the auxiliaries, the most severe discipline ; to 
repress with vigor every act, every design, which might 
wound the Mexicans, for their pride of character must 
not be forgotten, and it is of the first importance to the 
success of the undertaking to conciliate the good will 
of the people. 

" When we shall have reached the city of Mexico, it 
is desirable that you should have an understanding 
with the notable persons of every shade of opinion who 
shall have espoused our cause, in order to organize a 
provisional government. This government mil submit 
to the Mexican people the question of the form of 
political rule which shall be definitively established. 
An assembly will be afterward elected in accordance 
with the Mexican laws. 

" You will aid the new government to introduce into 
the administration of aflairs, and especially into the 
finances, that regularity of which France offers the best 



MEXICO • UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 89 

example. To effect this, persons will be sent thither 
capable of aiding this new organization. 

" The end to be attained is not to impose upon the 
Mexicans a form of government which will be distaste- 
ful to them, but to aid them to establish, in conformity 
with their wishes, a government which may have some 
chance of stability, and will assure to France the re- 
dress of the wrongs of which she complains. 

"It is not to be denied that if they prefer a mon- 
archy it is in the interest of France to aid them in this 
path. 

" Persons will not be wanting who will ask you why 
we propose to spend men and money to establish a 
regular government in Mexico. 

" In the present state of the world's civilization Eu- 
rope is not indifferent to* the prosperity of America ; 
for it is she which nourishes our industry and gives life 
to our commerce. ; It is our interest that the Republic 
of the United States shall be powerful and prosperous, 
but it is not at all to our interest that she should grasp 
the whole Gulf of Mexico, rule thence the Antilles as 
well as South America, and be the sole dispenser of 
the products of the New World. We see to-day, by 
sad experience, how precarious is the fate of an indus- 
try which is forced to seek its raw material in a single 
market, under all the vicissitudes to which that market 
is subject. 

" If, on the contrary, Mexico preserve its independ- 
ence, and maintain the integrity of its territory, if a 
stable government be there established with the aid of 



40 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

France, we shall have restored to the Latin race on the 
other side of the ocean its force and its prestige ; we 
shall have guaranteed the safety of our own and the 
Spanish colonies in the Antilles. We shall have estab- 
lished our. benign influence in the centre of America, 
and this influence, while creating immense outlets for 
our commerce, will procure the raw material which is 
indispensable to our industry. 

" Mexico, thus regenerated, will always be favorable 
to us, not only from gratitude, but also because her 
interests will be identical with our own, and because 
she will find a support in the good will of European 
powers. 

" To-day, therefore, our military honor involved, the 
demands of our policy, the interest of our industry and 
our commerce, all impose upon us the duty of march- 
ing upon Mexico, there boldly planting our flag, and 
establishing perhaps a mona;:chy, if not incompatible 
with the national sentiment of the country, but at least 
a government which will promise some stability. 

" NAPOLEON." 

These admirable instructions were faithfully car- 
ried out. On the 12th of June, 1863, the French 
army, under General Forey, entered the city of 
Mexico as conquerors, precisely the same as the 
American army, under General Scott, had entered 
that capital in 1847. At that time, and in 1848, 
the good citizens of Mexico, the men of wealth, 
of property, and of education, implored General 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 41 

Scott to remain^ and give them a good govern- 
ment. They wished to put themselves under the 
protection of the United States government, and 
offered to do so. The United States government 
laughed at them. They cut off a generous slice of 
the countr}'-, including the whole of California, Utah, 
ISTew Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, etc., and left the 
rest of Mexico to her fate. The eleven years of an- 
archy followed, from 1849 to 1860. 

Now let the reader observe how differently Napo- 
leon treated the country. He had, in 1863, the §ame 
right that we had, in 1847, to seize upon three or four 
rich Mexican States, and make French provinces of 
them. Did he do so ? No. Let us observe what he 
did do. 

On the 16th of June, 1863, General Forey, after 
consultation with the French minister residing in 
Mexico, called together thirty-five of the most emi- 
nent citizens of the country, men distinguished both 
for their abilities and their virtues, and deliberated 
with them in regard to the state of the country. 
These gentlemen were men acquainted with every- 
body of note or prominence in the whole country. 
It was agreed that they should designate two hundred 
and fifteen Mexican citizens, from the various States, 
constituting, with themselves, an Assembly of Nota- 
bles, to whom should be intrusted the duty of deter- 
mining upon the Torm of government to be adopted. 



/ 



42 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

The supreme executive power being vested tempora- 
rily in three eminent Mexican citizens, Messrs. Al- 
monte, Salas, and Ormaechea, they issued, on the 
24th of June, 1863, the following manifesto to the 
Mexican nation : 

" Manifesto op the Supreme Executive Power to 
THE Nation. 

" Mexicans.: — Having been appointed by the supe- 
rior committee of government, to exercise the supreme 
powers of the nation, it is right that we should instruct 
you of the very grave situation in which we find our- 
selves, and of our designs in fulfilling the mighty 
charge that we have received. 

" Never was the Mexican nation seen with more mis- 
fortunes nor with more solid hopes. A disciplined and 
courageous army, a great and civilized power, have 
undertaken to save us from the unfathomable abyss of 
evils to which, as blindly as impiously, a misled minor- 
ity of our countrymen have brought us. They labor 
for our national restoration not by the terror of arms, 
nor by anti-social principles. 

" The force that comes to protect us will only be 
used to conquer that which persists in destroying us ; 
to the errors which have perverted us there will be 
opposed the truths that regenerate nations ; to the 
demoralization which has overturned every thing there 
will be applied the justice which maintains the order of 
nations. 

" We know how many sophisms and calumnies those 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 43 

"who have persisted in our ruin have employed and em- 
ploy to diffuse among you aversion or mistrust ■with 
respect to the intervention. Compare their sophisms 
with the facts which you behold ; their calumnies with 
the conduct which is observed; their insidious prom- 
ises with the evidence of the disasters and desolation 
that 3^ou contemplate. Compare the deeds with the 
"words of the magnanimous and enlightened Emperor : 
No hostility to the nation, and sufficient mildness even 
toward those who compromise it and tyrannize over it. 

" Driving from the capital the power which the pre- 
tended constitution of 1851 systematized in evil, by 
evil, and for evil, the representatives of the Emperor 
have made no delay in establishing the provisional 
Mexican government, which will govern until the na- 
tion, more amply represented, shall fix freely and defi- 
nitely the form of government which Mexicans ought to 
have permanently. The chimeras of conquest with 
"H'hich it was attempted to alarm the thoughtless are 
made evident and vanish. Mexico has again self-gov- 
ernment, and is able and at liberty to choose, among 
all the political institutions, that which suits it best, 
and has the most glorious titles and firmest guarantees 
of stability. 

" In the mean time it is incumbent upon us to govern 
ad interim this suffering and disorganized nation ; a 
task immensely arduous and complicated, and much 
superior to our strength. Can we, in our transitory 
administration, repair the disorders and injuries of half 
a century ? That which was founded by three centu- 



44 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

lies of peace, and a gradual progress, is not restored in 
a few days ; we can only aspire to take the road and 
guide 3^ou in the first steps. No doubt Divine Provi- 
dence reserves to more competent persons the consum- 
mating all the moral, social, political, and industrial 
restoration of Mexico. 

" The work is grand, and will be the sooner realized 
according as your co-operation is decided and general. 
We shall do very little if just men of all classes, par- 
ties, and ranks of our society do not aid our intentions 
in their respective spheres. 

" We behold you vacillating and uncertain about the 
future of our beloved country, as dejected with cares 
and anxieties, as fearful of new misfortunes, anxious 
for peace, and distrustful of provoking new wars ; 
ruined and panting for tranquillity to restore your for- 
tunes, with aversion for the political and administra- 
tive theories which we have tried, and jealous of trying 
other new ones. Order and disorder, misery and pros- 
perity, conciliation and discord, are at your choice. 
You have two powers in view — one whose long tyrannjr 
and bad passions you have so wofully experienced, and 
another whose measured and just behavior you are able 
to observe : the one which is not satisfied with all your 
treasures, nor with your most necessary fui'uiture, and 
the other which commences by relieving you of taxes, 
and introducing the severest economy : the one which 
fled from this city without any other support than the 
faction whose illegitimate interests it foments, and the 
other which, solidly fixed in Europe, will rest upon the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 45 

legitimate interest and cardinal principles of society: 
that, in short, which, sacrificing to personal interest, or 
that of party, all that was orderlj^, just, useful, respect- 
able, and sacred, brought our country to wars, and this, 
which, by the light and unconquered force of Catholi- 
cism, according to the invincible rules of good govern- 
ment, and supported by the bountiful protection of 
France, omitted nothing, that Mexico may rise in the 
New World, as vigorous, enlightened, and improved as 
corresponds to the admirable .abundance of her ele- 
ments of prosperity. 

" Yery grave affairs are about to occupy our atten- 
tion. Peace, which has its roots only in justice and 
well-defined liberty ; agriculture, now so decayed, the 
basis of every kind of industry, and which, for so long, 
has been the comman prey of revolutionists and high- 
waymen ; commerce, so paralyzed and fallen, from the 
public insecurity in the country; mining, a first-rate 
branch of industry, in decay from the prejudices and 
special burden which it has suflered; the unmeasured 
exactions in the towns and the demoralization in agree- 
ments ; the arts either destroyed or impoverished ; the 
administration of justice, with some honorable excep- 
tions, so corrupt and tardy ; security on the highways 
or in the inhabited places altogether lost ; the vagrancy 
of all classes and ranks serving as a food for disorder 
and national depravation ; finally, the reparation of the 
moral and physical disasters made by the so-called sys- 
tem of liberty and reform, for which the two powers 
will co-operate together as far as concerns them, united 



46 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN 

or separate, and the tribunals in cases witliin their 
competency. 

" The well-deserving army will likewise merit a pre- 
ferable attention, and their sufferings will be taken into 
consideration, proceeding, without delay, to its reor- 
ganization. The worthy mutilated of the national inde- 
pendence will not be forgotten, nor less the suffering 
widows of the honored soldiers who have died in de- 
fence of their country. 

" The Catholic religion is re-established and free. 
The church will exercise its authority without having 
an enemy in the government, and the State will concert 
with it the manner of resolving the grave questions 
which are pendant. 

" The atheism which has been planted in the estab- 
lishments of instruction, and the infamous propaganda 
of immoral doctrines which have ruined us, must cease. 
Catholic instruction, solid and of the greatest possible 
extent, and new literary careers and guarantees for 
good teachers, will be the object of our labors. 

" We have still to get rid of the so-called constitu- 
tional government, which is only able and only knows 
to do evil, which courts no good in its career of inno- 
vations and destruction. Whilst it exists, we Mexi- 
cans shall have no peace, nor our fortunes security, nor 
commerce increase. The Franco-Mexican army will, 
as the first act they perform, pursue it until it surren- 
ders or is driven from the national territory, and in 
proportion as the towns shake off their intolerable 
yoke, they will begin to feel the repose and prosperity 



MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN. 47 

which the people already liberated enjoy. At the same 
time suitable measures will be dictated to expedite the 
pacification of the departments, and diminish the ruin 
which the agents of demagogism still occasion them. 

" Our misdeeds, and the acts committed by terrorists 
against friendlj'- nations, have discredited us in the Old 
World. Good and dignified relations will be opened 
again with injured governments and with the Sovereign 
Pontiff; every efi'ort will be made to ratify the obliga- 
tions of Mexico with friendly powers, and with the pro- 
tection of France and the other nations that shall 
support the new government, we shall be respected 
abroad, and the honor and credit of the nation will be 
repaired. 

"We have told you frankly what we think of the new 
situation, and what we intend to do in the diflficult 
commission which we have I'eceived, in spite of our 
insufficiency. Much will be done if eminent men of all 
kinds assist. Let our disgraceful discord at last end. 
Let the scandal which we have given to the world 
cease. Let there be concord, union, peace, and public 
spirit among us. Let the sordid speculations at public 
misfortunes be extirpated, and let those riches be 
turned to great and lucrative industrial enterprises. 
Let honest labor be the foundation of fortunes ; let 
functionaries have no power over the laws, nor the laws 
over morality. Let religion and authority, pi-operty 
and liberty, order and. peace, be at last precious reali- 
ties for Mexicans. May the God of armies, who has so 
directly favored our cause, reward the generosity and 



48 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

sincere intervention of France, and the patriotic inten- 
tion witli which we good Mexicans have accepted it, 
with the speedy grandeur and prosperity of the nation. 
" Palace of the supreme executive power in Mexico, 
the 24th of June, 1863. 

~ " JUAN K ALMONTE. 
"JOSE MARIANO SALAS. 
"JUAN B. ORMAECHEA." 

Having thus terminated the great mission which 
had been intrusted to him. General Forey returned to 
Prance. He was succeeded in command of the French 
army in Mexico by General Bazaine, to whom, on the 
17th of August, 1863, the Emperor Napoleon sent the 
following lett^ of instructions : 



MEXICO UJ^DER MAXIMILIAN. 49 



CHAPTEE III. 

The Emperor's Instructions to General Bazaine — Proceedings of the Assem- 
bly of Notables — They Determine upon a Limited Monarchy, and Offer 
the Crown of Mexico to Prince Maximilian — A Deputation of the Nota- 
bles Proceeds to Europe — Offer of the Crown to Maximilian — Remarkable 
Reply of Prince Maximilian to the Offer of the Crown— The Conditions 
upon which he Bases his Consent — Approval of these Conditions by the 
Emperor Napoleon. 

The Emperor's Instructions to Marshal Bazaine. 

"Faris, August 11,18m. 

" General : — At the moment in which you find your- 
self invested with the plenitude of political and military 
power, and when, thanks to the heroism of our soldiers 
and the skill of our chiefs, the elaboration of a new 
jDolitical regime supersedes the clash of arms in Mexico, 
I deem it useful to retrace once more the ideas with 
which the Emperor's . government is inspired. Those 
ideas have been clearly indicated in the letter addressed 
by his majesty to General Forey, July 3, 1862, and to 
this memorable document we must always refer. 

"I shall not return to enumerate the facts which 
cau'sed our intervention, or the incidents, too well 
known, which have signalized the first phase of it, 
whilst we were engaged in collective action with other 
powers. I refer to them merely to call to mind the fact 
that, left alone, we have used our independence only to 
4 



50 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

pursue the work which it was not in our power to 
accomplish in conjunction with the rest, and without 
deviating from the line which, from the beginning, we 
had traced out for ourseLves, and which we had indi- 
cated to our allies. In acting thus, we believe that we 
serve the general interests of Europe. 

" "We have recognized that the legitimacy of our inter- 
vention resulted solely from our grievances against the 
government of that country; we have declared that, 
whatever rights war conferred on us, we sought neither - 
conquest nor colonial establishment, nor even any politi- 
cal or commercial advantage to the exclusion of other 
powers. Penetrated, however, with the idea, which 
several onerous experiences justified, that an expedition, 
analogous to those of which the traditional proceedings 
of the Mexican Government have so often imposed, on 
us and others the necessity, would assure us only very 
precarious satisfaction and no guarantees for the future, 
we have thought that it would be worthy of us and pro- 
fitable for all to remind the Mexican people of the ini- 
quities of their government, and to afibrd them, if they 
desired to avail themselves of it, the occasion and the 
means to react against the elements of dissolution 
accumulated on their soil by a deplorable succession of 
anarchical powers. We applaud ourselves heartily now 
for not having despaired of the good sense and patriot- 
ism of the Mexican nation. For the rest, we most 
unequivocally eschew, as you are aware, any intention 
of substituting our influence in place of the free resolu- 
tions of the country ; we promise it our moral support 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 51 

to second whatever efforts it may wish to make in its 
own independence ; but it is from its own loins that its 
regeneration must issue. 

" We have received with pleasure, as a symptom of 
favorable augury, the manifestation of the Assembly' of 
Notables of Mexico in favor of the establishment of a mon- 
archy, and the name of the prince called to the empire. 
However, as I have indicated to you in a preceding dis- 
patch, we can consider the votes of the Assembly at Mex- 
ico only as the first indication of the disposition of the 
country. With all the authority which attaches to the 
eminent men who compose it, the Assembly recommends 
to its fellow-countrymen the adoption of monarchical 
institutions, and it designates a prince for their suffrages. 
It belongs, however, to the provisional government to 
collect those suffrages in such a manner as to banish all 
doubt in regard to the expression of the will of the 
country. It is not my part to indicate to you the mode 
to be adopted in order that this indispensable result 
should be completely attained ; we must search for this 
in the local customs and institutions. Whether the 
municipalities should be called upon to declare their 
wishes in the different provinces according as they shall 
have recovered the free disposal of themselves, or 
"Whether the lists should be opened by their care in order 
to collect the votes, the best method will be that which 
shall insure the largest manifestation of the popular 
will in all its independence and sincerity. General, the 
Emperor particularly recommends this essential point 
to your most careful attention. 



52 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIATST. 

" Other questions at the same time demand your 
solicitude. We have flattered ourselves with the idea 
that we represent in Mexico the cause of progress and 
of civilization, and our regard for our responsibility does 
not permit us to accept the species of provisional 
guardianship with which we are invested by circum- 
stances, except on condition of serving that cause faith- 
fully by our counsels and by our actions. From this 
point of view, we have to regret certain measures which 
contrast in an unfavorable manner with the ideas which 
we ought to strive to establish. Sequestrations, prohib- 
itions, outlawries, have too often been, in Mexico, the 
arms used by parties in straits, in their desperate con- 
tests — too often, indeed, not to interdict the use of them 
to a government that goes to conserve and resjore. 
Adopted, doubtless, in view of the urgent necessities of 
which I cannot judge, they can have but a provisional 
character, and at the moment at which I write to you 
they are certainly revoked, if they have not been already 
so at the reception of the instructions sent out by the 
last packet. 

" The reorganization of the Mexican army is one of 
the most important questions which should, at present, 
occupy the attention of the provisional government and 
yours. It is the duty of the minister of war to transmit 
special instructions to you on this point. I will confine 
myself to saying, that, the desire of the Emperor's gov- 
ernment being to restrict, as promptly as circumstances 
will permit, the extent and the duration of our occupa- 
tion, it is essential that this reorganization should be 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 53 

puslied forward with all possible activity, and that it is 
desirable that in future, and in proportion to the pro- 
gress realized, an honorable share of duty should be 
assigned to the Mexican army. In the interest of the 
country and its ulterior development, as well as to pro- 
vide for pi'esent necessities, I recommend you to press 
upon the government the^ duty of applying its utmost 
care to multiply the means of communication, and to 
assure, on the roads which now exist, security of trans- 
portation and rapid exchange of correspondence. 

" Without directly substituting your initiative for 
that of the government, all your counsels, General, 
should tend to have the administration, properly so- 
called, reconstituted in conditions of regularity and 
strength, such as may give confidence to the country 
and reassure it against all ideas of reactionary and ex- 
clusive policy. Under the shadow of our flag, all 
jDarties can be worthily reconciled, and we will induce 
them to this ; but as we repudiate their passions, we 
must never allow it to serve as a shelter for them to 
work out their revenges. 

" The same principles should preside over the reor- 
ganization of the judicial administration, and you will 
have to recommend to the government, to be inspired 
with them in the choice of magistrates and in the 
impulse which it will give them, the independence and 
honesty of the magistracy being able to contribute 
powerfully to elevate the moral state of a people among 
whom the notions of right must have been very much 
blunted by the contact of so many revolutions. 



r 



54 MEXICO UND&R MAXIMILIAN. 

" The existing administrative and judicial institutions 
appear, moreover, to answer the wants and customs of 
the country. Your counsels should, therefore, be 
directed, in this regard, rather to the choice of function- 
aries and the directions to be impressed upon them, 
than to the institutions themselves. 

"It is not entirely so with regard to the finances. 
We have there, moreover, a direct interest, which com- 
mands us to watch more closely over the execution of 
such regulations as ought to assu.re to the country the 
benefits of a regular system of accountability. The 
proper management of the public money is the guaran- 
tee of our debts, and, from this point of view, we have 
good reason to exercise an active control over the finan- 
cial administration. "We have, for the rest, as far as 
depended on us, facilitated its reorganization by assur- 
ing to it the precious support of special agents delegated 
for that purpose by the minister of finance. Under 
their enlightened influence, the germs of prosperitj'-, so 
varied and abundant, which the country possesses can- 
not fail to be rapidly developed. 

" I have spoken of our claims. They are, as you 
know. General, of two kinds : those which are anterior 
to the war, and those which have their origin in the war. 
As to the former, they will be all referred for examina- 
tion to a commission which- shall be instituted in con- 
nection with my department, and which shall be com- 
posed in such a way as to assure an unquestionable 
authority to its decisions. The total amount to be 
presented to the Mexican Government will be composed 



MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN, 55 

of tlie sum of all these claims that shall be recognized 
by the commission as legitimately founded in justice, 

"As to those which proceed from the war which we 
are now maintaining, my colleagues in the departments 
of war and marine are occupied in combining such 
elements as will allow them to form a proper estimate 
of the expenses of which we shall have to claim reim- 
bursement. We shall most likely be able to transmit to 
you, by the next packet, the result of this labor, and you 
will then have to present to the provisional government 
for acceptance the demand for reimbursement of the 
sum which shall be indicated to you. 

"DROUYN DE LHUYS." 

The Assembly of Notables comprised the men wlio 
had, in 1848 and 1849, and again in 1860, implored 
the United States to save Mexico and give her a good 
government. Let the reader remember the experience 
they had had, of forty years of anarchy in Mexico, 
owing to the want of a good government. Let the 
efforts be remembered which they had made to estab- 
lish a good government themselves, nnder the protec- 
tion of the United States. Let it be remembered how 
all their efforts had failed, and how they and their 
country had been spurned by the United States, and 
the latter given up by us to continued anarchy. 

But there was one great power that had not despised 
them ; there was one powerful hand stretched out to 
save their country and to give them a good govern- 



56 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

ment. They were not fools, neither were they un- 
gj^ateful. Here is their action : • 

" The provisional supreme executive power of the 
nation to the inhahitants thereof: Know ye that the 
Assembly of Notables has thought fit to decree as 
follows : 

" ' The Assembly of Notables, in virtue of the decree 
of the 1 6th ultimo, that it should make known the form 
of government which best suited the nation, in use of 
the full right which the nation has to constitute itself, 
and as its organ and interpreter, declares, with absolute 
liberty and independence, as follows : 

" ' 1. The Mexican nation adopts as its form of gov- 
ernment a limited hereditary monarchy, with a Catholic 
prince. 

" ' 2. The sovereign shall take the title of Emperor 
of Mexico. 

" ' 3. The imperial crown of Mexico is offered to his 
imperial and royal highness the Prince Ferdinand Max- 
imilian, Archduke of Austria, for himself and his de- 
scendants. ' 

" ' 4. If, under circumstances which cannot be fore- 
seen, the Archduke of Austria, Ferdinand Maximilian, 
should not take possession of the throne which is offered 
to him, the Mexican nation relies on the good-will of 
his majesty Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, to 
indicate for it another Catholic prince. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 57 

" ' Given in the Hall of Sessions of the Assembly, on 
the 10th of July, 1863. 

'"TEODOSIO LARES, President. 
"'Alejandro Arango y Escandon, Secretary. 
" ' Jose Maria Andrade, Secretary.'' 

" Therefore let it Tbe printed, published by national 
edict, and circulated, and let due fulfilment be given 
thereto. 

" Given at the palace of the supreme executive power 
in Mexico, on the 11th of July, 1863. 

" JUAN K ALMONTE. 
"JOSE MARIANO SALAS. 
"JUAN B. ORMAECHEA." 

A deputation of tlie Assembly of Notables immedi- 
ately proceeded to Europe, sought the Archduke 
Maximilian, and communicated to him the wishes of 
the Mexican people. In September, 1863, they thus 
addressed him : 

The Offer op the Mexican Crown. 

Senor Estrada's Address to Maximilian. 

" Prince : — The powerful hand of a generous monarch 
had hardly restored liberty to the Mexican nation, when 
he dispatched us to your imperial highness, cherishing 
the sincerest wishes and warmest hopes for our mission. 
We shall not dwell upon the visitations which Mexico 
has had to undergo, and which, as they are notorious, 
have reduced our country to the verge of despair and 



58 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

ruin. There are no means we have not employed, no way 
we have not tried, to escape a situation full of misery 
for the present, and foreboding catastrophes for the 
futvire. We have long endeavored to extricate ourselves 
from the fatal and ruinous position into which the 
country had fallen, on adopting, with credulous inexpe- 
rience, republican institutions, at variance with its 
natural arrangements, its customs, and traditions ; in- 
stitutions which, though they resulted in the greatness 
and prosperity of a neighboring nation, have only be- 
come a source of trials and desperate disappointments 
in our case. 

"[Nearly half a century. Prince, has elapsed, carrying 
with it for Mexico barren tortures and intolerable 
humiliation, but without deadening the spark of hope 
and indomitable vitality in our breasts. Full of un- 
shaken confidence in the Ruler of human destinies, we 
never ceased to look out for a cure of our ever-growing 
national malady. We may say we awaited its advent 
true to ourselves. Our faith was not in vain. The 
ways of Providence have become manifest, opening up a 
new era, and exciting the admiration of the greatest 
minds by an unexpected turn of fortune. 

" Once again master of her destinies, Mexico, taught 
by experience, is at this moment making a last effort to 
correct her faults. She is changing her institutions, 
being firmly persuaded that those now selected will be 
even more salutary than the analogous arrangements 
which existed at the time she was the colony of a 
European state. This will be all the more certain if we 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 59 

should be destined to see at our head a Catholic Prince, 
who, with the high and recognized worth of his charac- 
ter, with the nobility of his feelings, knows how to couple 
that firmness of will and self-sacrificing devotion which 
are the inheritance of those only who have been selected 
by God Almight}^, in decisive moments of public danger 
and social ruin, to save sinking peoples and restore 
them to a new life. Mexico expects much from the 
spirit of those institutions which have governed it for 
Vthree centuries, and which, when they fell, left us a 
brilliant, but, alas ! now spoiled inheritance. The demo- 
cratic republic endeavored to do away with the traces 
of former grandeur. But whatever may be our confi- 
dence in such institutions, their efficiency will be only 
perfect when crowned in the person of your imperial 
highness. A king, the heir of an old monarchy, and 
representing solid institutions, may render his people 
happy, even in the absence of distinguished qualities of 
mind and character ; but very different and exceptional 
qualities are required in a prince who intends to become 
the founder of a new dynasty and the heir of a republic. 
"Without you. Prince — believe it from these lips 
which have never served the purposes of flattery — with- 
out you, all our efforts to save the country will be in 
vain. Without you will not be realized the generous 
intentions of a great sovereign, whose sword restored us 
to liberty and whose powerful arm now supports us in 
this decisive hour. With you, however, experienced in 
the diflficult art of government, our institutions would 
become what they ought to be, if the happiness and 



60 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

prosperity of our country are to be guaranteed. With 
you they would have for their foundation that genuine 
liberty which is coupled with justice and moderation — 
not the spurious counterfeit we have become conversant 
with during half a century's ruinous wars and quarrels. 
Such institutions, equally as they are in harmony with 
the spirit of the age, will also become the unshakable 
corner-stone of our national independence. These senti- 
ments, these hopes, which have been long entertained by 
all true friends of Mexico, are now in the hearts of all 
in our country. In Europe, too, whatever sympathies 
or antipathies may have been roused on the occasion of 
our present step, there is only one voice in regard to 
your imperial highness and jonr noble consort, who, 
shining by personal worth and high virtues, will share 
your throne and rule over our hearts. The Mexicans 
require only to see you in order to love you. 

" Faithful interpreters of the longing desire and the 
wishes of our country, in its name we offer to your 
imperial highness the crown of Mexico — that crown 
which a solemn resolution of the Assembly of Notables 
has of its free will and accord handed over to your 
imperial highness. Even now that resolution has been 
confirmed by the assent of many provinces, and will 
soon be sanctioned by the entire nation. JVor can we 
forget, Prince, that by a fortunate coincidence of cir- 
cumstances this great national act is taking place on the 
day on which Mexico celebrates the anniversaiy of the 
victorious appearance of the national army, carrying 
high the banner of independence and monarchy. May 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 61 

it please your imperial highness to fulfil our prayers 
and accept our choice. May we be enabled to carry the 
joyous tidings to a country awaiting them in longing 
anxiety ; joyous tidings not only for us Mexicans, but 
also for France, whose name is now indissolubly bound 
up with our history ; and gratitude for England and 
Spain, who began the work of revival ; and for the illus- 
trious house of Austria, connected by time-honored and 
glorious memories with a new continent. 

" We do not undervalue the sacrifice to be made by 
your imperial highness in entering upon so great a task 
with all its consequences, and in severing yourself from 
your friends in Europe — that quarter of the globe which, 
from its centre, diifuses civilization over the world. 
Yes, Prince, this crown which our love offers you is but 
a heavy burden to-day, but it will soon be made enviable 
by your virtues, our zealous co-operation, our loyal de- 
votion, and inextinguishable gratitude. Whatever may 
be our faults, however deep our fall, we are still the 
sons of those who, inspired by the sacred names of reli- 
gion, king, and country, hesitated not to run the great- 
est risks, engage in the grandest enterprises, combat 
and suffer in their course. These are the sentiments 
which, in the name of our grateful country, we lay at 
the feet of your imperial highness. We offer them to 
the worth}^ scion of that powerful dynastj'' which planted 
Christianity on our native soil. On that soil, Prince, 
we hope to see you fulfil a high task, to mature the 
choicest fruits of culture, which are order and true 



62 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN; 

liberty. The task is great, but greater is our confidence 
in Providence, which has led ns thus far." 

Wlio can read this eloquent address without 
emytion? It is full of the noblest sentiments of 
Christian patriotism. The heart of Prince Maxi- 
milian was deeply touched by this mark of the 
attachment of the Mexican people, and he made the 
following reply : — 

Reply op the Archduke Maximilian to the 
Mexican Deputation. 

''October 3, 1863. 

" Gentlemen : — I am profoundly grateful for the 
wishes expressed by the Assembly of Notables. It 
cannot be other than flattering to our house, that the 
thoughts of your countrymen turn to the descendant 
of Charles Y. It is a proud task to assure the inde- 
pendence and the prosperity of Mexico under the pro- 
tection of free and lasting institutions. I must, 
however, recognize the fact — and in this I entirely 
agree with the Emperor of the Prench, whose glorious 
undertaking makes the regeneration of Mexico possible 
• — that the monarchy cannot be re-established in your 
country on a firm and legitimate basis, unless the whole 
nation shall confirm by a free manifestation of its will, 
the wishes of the capital. . 

" My acceptance of the offered throne must, therefore, 
depend upon the result of the vote of the whole 
country. Furthermore, a sentiment of the most sacred 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 63 

of the duties of the sovereign requires, that he should 
demand for the proposed empire every necessary 
guarantee to secure it against the dangers which 
threaten its integrity and its independence. If sub- 
stantial guarantees for the future can be obtained, and 
if the universal suffrage of the Mexican people select 
me as its choice, I shall be ready, with the consent of 
the illustrious chief of my family, and trusting to the 
protection of the Almighty, to accept the throne. It is 
my duty to announce to you now, gentlemen, that in 
case Providence shall call me to the high mission of 
civilization which is attached to this crown, it is my 
fixed intention to open to your country, by means of a 
constitutional government, a path to a progress based 
on order and civilization ; and, as soon as the empire 
shall be completely pacified, to seal with my oath the 
fundamental agreement concluded with the nation. 

"It is only in this manner that a truly national 
policy can be established, in which all parties, for- 
getting their ancient quarrels, will unite to raise 
Mexico to the high rank which she should attain under 
a government whose first principle will be law, based 
on equity. I beg you to communicate these my inten- 
tions, which I have frankly expressed, to your country- 
men, and to take measures to obtain from the nation 
an expression of its will as to the form of government 
it intends to adopt." 

The admirable sentiments of this reply will at 
once strike the mind of every intelligent person. 



64: MEXICO UXDER MAXIMILIAN. 

Maximilian is not eager to accept tlie brilliant destiny 
that is offered, to liim. He did not seek the Mexican 
crown, nor does he covet it. He feels the momentous 
importance of tlie step which he is invited to take.. 
He does not shrink from the mighty task of creating 
an empire out of such impromising materials. He 
accepts, on two weighty conditions : — 1st, on con- 
dition that the action of the Assembly of Notables 
shall be ratified by the whole Mexican people, and 
2nd, on condition that the great powers of Europe 
shall guarantee the stability of the throne that is 
offered to him. 

The reasonableness and justice of these conditions 
were admitted by the Emperor Napoleon. In his 
dispatch to General Bazaine, August, 14, 1863, M. 
Drouyn de Lhuys, the French Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs, says : — ''According to the Emperor's 
ideas, no pressure should be exercised upon the 
Mexican nation : it alone should have the right of 
deciding on the form of its institutions, and in case 
it should adopt a monarchical constitution, on the 
choice of the prince who should be called to reign 
over it. We already see, in the vote of the Assembly 
of Notables, a spontaneous manifestation, and a most 
imposing one, of its dispositions ; but it is important 
that this vote should be confirmed and ratified as soon 
as possible by the assent of the people. We likewise 
applaud the choice of the eminent prince whom the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 65 

nssembly has called to the tliroiie by an acclamation 
wliicli must, iu like manner; receive its definitive 
approval from tlie suffrages of the country." 

Thus, it will be seen that, before the crown was 
offered to Maximilian, the Emperor ISTapoleon had 
declared that the action of the Assembly of Notables 
must be confirmed and ratified by the Mexican 
people : and that the choice of the person also whom 
they had called to the throne " 7)iust receive the ap- 
proval of the suffrages of the country." The same 
principles are enunciated in still more forcible lan- 
guage, in Napoleon's instructions to General Bazaine, 
August 17, 1863. He says : — "As I have intimated 
to you in a previous dispatch, we can consider the 
action of the Mexican Assembly of Notables, only as 
the first indication of the disposition of the country. 
With all the authority which attaches to the eminent 
men who compose it, the Assembly recommends to 
its fellow countrymen the adoption of monarchical 
institutions, and it designates a prince for their suf- 
frages. It belongs to the provisional government 
to collect those suffrages in such a manner as to 
banish all doubt in regard to the expression of the 
will of the countr3^ The best method to be adopted 
will be that which shall insure the largest manifesta- 
tion of the popular will in all its independence and 
sincerity." See Napoleon's instructions to General 
Bazaine, ante, p. 49. 



66 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 



CHAPTER ly. 

The Mexican People Vote upon a Change in the Government — Popular 
Katifieation of the Action of the Notables — The Mexican People Pro- 
nounce in Favor of Maximilian for Emperor — Manner in which this 
Election was Conducted — Its Perfect Freedom — Every Mexican Voted — ■ 
His Election in Mexico Compared with the Elections in Maryland for 
Three Years past — Two-thirds of the Voters of Maryland Disfranchised 
— Superior Freedom of the Mexican Election. 

The question was accordingly presented to the 
Mexican people, and the election took place. The 
utmost freedom was allowed. Bodies of French 
troops were present in every Mexican State, but 
solely in order to keep open the way to the polls. 
No vote was challenged ; no vote was refused. The 
elections were held at the usual polling places, and 
the usual local magistrates and judges of election 
presided. The votes were openly counted, and it was 
found that the Mexican people had sanctioned the 
action of the Assembly of Notables, and had, by an 
almost unanimous vote, pronounced in Itivor of a 
monarchy, with Maximilian for Emperor. 

Mr. Seward, in a letter to Mr. Dayton, our minister 
to France, October 23, 1863, thus speaks of this 
election : — 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 67 

" M. Drou}'!! de Lhu^'s now speaks of an election to 
be held in Mexico, to resnlt in the choice of Prince 
Maximilian of Austria to be Emperor of Mexico. We 
learn from other sources that the prince has declared 
his •willingness to accept an imperial throne in Mexico 
on three conditions, namely, that he shall be called to 
it by the universal suffrage of the Mexican nation ; that 
he shall receive indispensable guarantees for the 
integrity and independence of the proposed empire : 
and that the Emperor of Austria shall acquiesce." 
And Mr. Seward concludes this dispatch with the 
following significant language, referring to the supposed 
result of the Mexican election: — -'The United States 
can do no otherwise than leave the destinies of Mexico 
in the keeping of her own people, and recognize their 
sovereignty and independence in whatever form they 
themselves shall choose that this sovereignty and inde- 
pendence shall be manifested." 

If this does not mean that the United States will 
recognize the empire of Mexico if the people choose 
to have an empire, what does it mean ? 

I know it has been said that this Mexican election 
was held under the glitter of French bayonets. That 
is true : but, as I have stated, the French bayonets 
only kept open the way to the polls. The French 
bayonets did not keep a single Mexican away from 
the polls. No Mexican was " challenged. The vote 
of no Mexican was refused. It was by far the freest 
election that had ever taken place in Mexico. Com- 



68 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

pare it witb. the elections in Marjdand and Missouri 
from 1863 to 1866. 

In Maryland two thirds of the citizens of the State 
are disfranchised and cannot vote at all.* This is 
effected by means of a registry law, now in force in 
that State. This act was passed by the legislature 
of that State in 1863. The legislature by which it 
was passed, was elected for the express purpose of 
passing this registry law. Maryland was not one of 
the States which seceded. Maryland was not one of 
the rebel States. Maryland furnished and kept on 
foot a body of twenty-five thousand troops in the 
northern army during the whole war. Maryland was 
represented in Congress during the whole war, by 
her senators and representatives. Yet from the 
beginning of the year 1863 to the end of the year 
1865, all the elections in Maryland have been con- 
trolled by the presence of soldiers, and by military 
usurpation. During all this time the civil authorities 
in Maryland exercised no powers except such as it 
pleased the military authorities to permit them to 
exercise. The rights of Maryland as a State were 
entirely taken away. Maryland was changed into a 
Military Department, and was ruled by a military 
governor. During the greater part of the period 
above-named, Maryland was governed by a Mr. 

* This was written in 1866. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 69 

Scheuck, "tlie hero of Vienna," who, dtLoug'a with- 
out military education, military talents, or military 
experience, had been made a major-general by Mr. 
Lincoln, and was placed in command at Baltimore, 
with a large body of troops under his orders. A 
bitter radical himself, in him the leaders of the 
radical republican party in Maryland found a ready 
and willing ally. 

•There were two parties in Maryland, as there had 
always been two parties in all the States : the Demo- 
cratic, or rather the Conservative party, embracing all 
the old Claj^ and "Webster Whigs; and the Eepublican, 
or rather the Eadical party, embracing the abolition- 
ists. The latter were in a very small minority. The 
Conservative, or Democratic party, embraced fully 
four-fifths of the inhabitants of the State, and all the 
old residents and persons of property. The Eepubli- 
cans were new settlers, people from the New England 
States, persons of no property, and comprised, indeed, 
a class who would have remained forever without in- 
fluence in the government of the State. Their total 
strength in 1860 was only two thousand two hundred 
and ninety-nine votes. In the election for President 
held in that year, the Democratic candidate for Presi- 
dent received ninety thousand two hundred and eight 
votes, and Lincoln, the Eadical candidate, only two 
thousand two hundred and ninety-nine. That was 



70 . MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

tlie last free election that ever took place in Maryland 
until the election for members of Congress and mem- 
bers of the State Legislature in November, 1866. In 
1863; 1864, and 1865, the whole State was overrun 
bj hordes of soldiery from other States, and all the 
elections were controlled by bayonets. 

In 1863, a State constitution was framed by a radi- 
cal Eepublican convention, which was utterly repug- 
nant, in its character, to the Democratic citizens of the 
State. When this constitution was submitted to a 
vote of the people, it was rejected by a majority of one 
thousand nine hundred and forty-three votes. But 
there was a body of two thousand five hundred sol- 
diers stationed at and near Baltimore. The military 
authorities ordered these soldiers to vote, and by their 
votes a majority of seven hundred and ninety-eight 
votes was secured for the constitution. All of these 
facts will be found recorded in the newspapers of the 
day, particularly the New York World, and the Balti- 
more American, from Oct. 18 to 25, 1863. Thus was 
a constitution, repugnant to their wishes, and which 
had actually been rejected by a majority of one thou- 
sand nine hundred and forty-three of her own citizens, 
fastened upon the State of Maryland. The Governor 
of the State addressed the following letter to the Pres- 
ident, on the subject of this military interference with 
elections in Maryland : — 



mexico under maximilian. 71 

Governor Bradford to the President. 

" Executive Opeice, Annapolis, Oct. 31, 1863. 

" To his Excellency, President Lincoln : — 

Sir : — Rumors are to-day current, and they reach me 
in such a shape that I am bound to believe them, that 
detachments of soldiers are to be dispatched on Monday 
next to several of the counties of the State, with a view 
of being present at tlieir polls on Wednesday next, the 
day of our State election. These troops are not resi- 
dents of the State, and consequently are not sent for 
the purpose of voting ; and there is no reason, in my 
opinion, to apprehend any riotous or violent proceed- 
ings at this election ; the inference is unavoidable that 
these military detachments, if sent, are expected to 
exert some control or influence in that election. I am 
also informed that orders are to be issued from the 
Military Department on Monday, presenting certain 
restrictions or qualifications on the right of suffrage — 
of what pi-ecise character I am not apprised — which the 
judges of election will be expected to observe. From 
my knowledge of your sentiments on these subjects, as 
expressed to Hon. R. Johnson, in my presence, on the 
22d instant, as also disclosed in your letter of instruc- 
tions to General Schofield, since published, in reference 
to the Missouri election, I cannot but think that the 
orders above referred to are without your personal 
knowledge ; and I take the liberty of calling J:he subject 
to your attention, and invoke your interposition to 
countermand them. I cannot but feel that to suffer an}^ 



72 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

military interference in the matter of our election, or 
to presciibe any test of oath to voters, when all the 
candidates in the State — with the exception, perhaps, 
of two or three in one Congressional district, are all 
loyal men — would be justly obnoxious to the public 
sentiment of the State. There are other reasons why 
such proceedings would appear as an offensive discrimi- 
nation against our State. Our citizens are aware that 
highly important elections have recently taken place in 
other States, without, it is believed, any such interfer- 
ence by the government authorities, and, if votes by 
hundreds of thousands have been allowed to be cast 
there without objection, and with no limit upon the 
elective franchise, other than the State laws prescribe, 
and where one, at least, of the candidates so supported 
was considered so hostile to the government, that for 
months past he has been banished from the country, 
certainly any sucli interference as between the lo^^al 
men now candidates in this State, would, under such 
comparisons, be more justly objectionable, and finds 
nothing in the pi-esent condition of things here to jus- 
tify it. I rely, therefore, upon your Excellency for 
such an order as will prevent it. I have the honor to 
be, with great respect, your Excellency's obedient ser- 
vant, A. W. BRADFOKD. 

Governor Bradford also issued the following pro- 
clamation : 



mexico under maximilian. 73 

Proclamation by Goveenor Bradford. 

"State op Maryland, Executive Department,^^ 
Annapolis, Nov. 2, 1863. ]" 

" To THE Citizens op the State and more especially 
the Judges op Election : — 

"A military order, issued from the headquarters of 
the "Middle Department," bearing date the 21th ult, 
printed and circulated, as it is said, through the State, 
though never j^et published here, and designed to operate 
on the approaching election, has just been brought to my 
attention, and is of such a character, and issued under 
such circumstances as to demand notice at mj^ hands. 

" This order, reciting ' that there are manj^ evil dis- 
posed persons now at large in the State of Maryland, 
who have been engaged in rebellion against the lawful 
government, or have given aid and comfort, or en- 
couragement to others so engaged, or who do not recog- 
nize their allegiance to the United States, and who may 
avail themselves of the indulgence of the authority 
which tolerates their presence, to embarrass the ap- 
proaching election, or through it to foist enemies of the 
United States into power,' proceeds, among other 
things, to direct ' all provost marshals and other mili- 
tary officers to arrest all such persons found at or hang- 
ing about or approaching any poll or place of election 
on the 4th of November, 1863, and report such arrest 
to these headquarters.' 

" This extraordinary order has not only been issued 
without any notice to, or consultation with the consti- 
tuted authorities of the State, but at a time and under 



74 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

circumstances when the condition of the State, and the 
character of the candidates, are such as to preclude the 
idea that the result of that election can in any way en- 
danger either the safety of the government or the peace 
of the community. 

" It is a well known fact that, with perhaps one sin- 
gle exception, there is not a Congressional candidate 
in the State whose loyalty is even of a questionable 
character, and in not a county of the State outside of 
the same Congressional district is there, I helieve, a 
candidate for the legislature or any State office whose 
loyalty is not equally undoubted. In the face of this 
well known condition of things, the several classes of 
persons above enumerated are not only to be arrested 
at, but ' approaching any poll or place of election.' And 
who is to judge whether voters thus on their way to the 
place of voting have given ' aid, comfort, or encourage- 
ment' to persons engaged in the rebellion, or that they 
'do not recognize their allegiance to the United States,' 
and may avail themselves of their presence at the polls 
' to foist enemies of the United States into power?' As 
I have already said, in a very large majority of the 
counties of the State there are not to be found among 
the candidates any such ' enemies of the United States ;' 
but the provost marshals — created for a very different 
purpose — and the other military ofiicials who are thus 
ordered to arrest approaching voters, are necessarily 
made by the order the sole and exclusive judges of those 
who fall within the prescribed category ; an extent of 
arbitrary discretion, under anj^ circumstance the most 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 75 

odious, and more especially offensive and dangerous in 
view of the known fact that two, at least, of the five 
provost marshals of the State are themselves candi- 
dates for important offices, and sundry of their deputies 
for others. 

" This military order, therefore, is not only without 
justification, when looking to the character of the can- 
didates before the people, and rendered still more ob- 
noxious by the means appointed for its execution, but 
is equally offensive to the sensibilities of the people 
themselves, and the authorities of the State, looking to 
the repeated proofs they have furnished of an unalter- 
able devotion to the government. For more than two 
years past there has never been a time when, if every 
traitor and every treasonable sympathizer in the State 
had voted, they could have controlled, whoever might 
have been their candidates, a single department of the 
State, or jeopardized the success of the general govern- 
ment. No State in the Union has been or is now actu- 
ated by more heartfelt or unwavering loyalty than 
Maryland — a loyalty intensified and purified by the 
ordeal through which it has passed ; and yet, looking 
to what has lately transpired elsewhere, and to the 
terms and character of this military order, one would 
think that in Maryland, and nowhere else, is the gov- 
ernment endangered by the ' many evil disposed per- 
sons that are now at large.' 

" Within less than a month the most important elec- 
tions have taken place in two of the largest States of 
the Union. In each of them candidates were before the 



76 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

people, charged by the particiilar friends of the govern- 
ment with being liostile to its interests, and whose elec- 
tion was deprecated as fraught with the most dangerous 
consequences to its success. One of the most prominent 
of these candidates was considered so dangerously- 
inimical to the triumph of the national cause, that 
he has been for months past banished from the coun- 
try, and yet hundreds of thousands of voters were al- 
lowed to approach the polls, and to attempt ' to foist 
such men into power,' and no provost marshals or other 
military officers were ordered to arrest them on the 
way, or so far as we have ever heard, even test their 
allegiance by any oath. 

" With these facts before us, it is difficult to believe 
that the suggestion that the enemies of the United 
States maybe foisted into power at our coming election, 
vras the consideration that prompted this order ; but 
whatever may have been that motive, I feel it to be my 
duty to solemnly protest against such an intervention 
with the privileges of the ballot box, and so offensive a 
discrimination against the rights of a loyal State." 

In Governor Bradford's next message to the legis- 
lature of Maryland; he thus spoke of these unparal- 
leled outrages : — 

" A few days before that election a military order was 
issued from the army headquarters at Baltimore, which 
in effect placed the polls under the surA^eillance and at 
the command of the military authority. 

You will be furnished with a copy of this order, and 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 77 

it is uot necessary further to recite it than to state in 
general terms that it was to be executed by the milita- 
ry, aided by the provost marshals. They were to arrest 
voters whom they might consider disloyal in approach- 
ing or hanging about the polls ; a prescribed form of 
oath was furnished, without taking which no one, if 
challenged, could vote ; and the several commanding 
officers were charged to report to headquarters any 
judge of election who should refuse to administer that 
oath, or to aid in carrying out that order. The Presi- 
dent modified the first part of the order on the Monday 
preceding the election, but even that modification 
seemed to receive no attention • from those entrusted 
with its execution, and was in some instances openly 
disregarded. 

" Prominent among the provost marshals to whom the 
execution of this order was in part committed were 
several who were themselves candidates for important 
offices. 

"These marshals, appointed for the pupose of the mil- 
itia enrollment and draft, were placed by the law creat- 
ing them under the control of the provost marshal 
general, but to insure the right to employ them about 
this election order, special authority was obtained from 
Washington to place them for the time being under the 
orders of the military authorities. 

" I, therefore, on the Monday evening preceding the 
election, issued a proclamation giving them this assur- 
ance, a copy of which is herewith submitted. 

" Before the following morning military'' orders were 



78 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

sent to the Eastern Shore, directing its circulation to 
Tbe suppressed, the public papers were forbidden to pub- 
lish it, and an embargo laid on all the steamers in port 
trading with that part of the State, lest they might 
carry it. 

" Abuses commenced even before the opening of the 
polls. On the day preceding the election, the officer in 
command of the regiment which had been distributed 
among the counties of the Eastern Shore, and who had 
himself landed in Kent county, commenced his opera- 
tions by arresting and sending across the bay some ten 
or more of the most estimable and distinguished of its 
citizens, including several of the most steadfast and un- 
compromising loyalists of the Shore. The jail of the 
county was entered, the jailer seized, imprisoned, and 
afterwards sent to Baltimore, and prisoners confined 
therein under indictment, set at liberty. The com- 
manding officer referred to gave the first clue to the 
character of disloyalty against which he considered 
himself as particularly commissioned by printing and 
publishing a proclamation in which, referring to the 
election to take place next day, he invited all the truly 
loyal to avail themselves of that opportunity^ and estab- 
lish their loyalty 'hy giving a full and ardent support 
to the whole government ticket upon the platform 
adopted by the Union League Convention,' declaring 
that ' none other is recognized by the Federal authori- 
ties as loyal or worthy of support of any one who 
desires the peace and restoration of the Union.' 

" To secure the election of that ticket seemed to be 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 79 

the business to wliich lie and liis officers especially de- 
voted themselves throughout the day of election. In 
the statements and certificates which have been for- 
Avarded to me from different counties in that Congres- 
sional district, I have been furnished, I presume, with 
an account of part only of the outrages to which 
their citizens were subjected. The ' government ticket ' 
above referred to was in several, if not all of these 
counties, designated b}^ its color ; it was a yellow ticket, 
and armed with that, a voter could safely run the 
gauntlet of the sabres and carbines that guarded the 
entrance to the polls, and known sympathizers with the 
rebellion were, as certified to me, allowed to vote un- 
questioned, if they would vote that ticket, whilst loyal 
and respected citizens, ready to take the oath, were 
turned back by the officers in charge without even al- 
lowing them to approach the polls. 

" In one district, as appears by certificate from the 
judge, the military officer took his stand at the polls 
before they were opened, declaring that none but ' the 
yellow ticket ' should be voted, and excluded all others 
throughout the day. In another district a similar offi- 
cer caused every ballot offered to be examined, and 
unless it was the favored one, the voter was required to 
take the oath, and not otherwise ; and in another again, 
after one vote only had been given, the polls were 
closed, the judges all arrested and sent out of the 
county, and military occupation taken of the town. 

" A part of the army whicli a generous people had 
supplied for a very different purpose was on that day 



80 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

engaged in stifling the freedom of election in a faithful 
State, intimidating its sworn oflficers, violating the con- 
stitutional rights of its loyal citizens, and obstructing 
the usual channels of communication between them and 
their Executive." 

But this was not all. A few montlis before the 
election, every Democratic newspaper in the State of 
Maryland was suppressed by military authority, in 
contempt of the laws of the State, and in defiance of 
the constitution of the United States. One only re- 
mained, the Evening Post, of Baltimore. This too 
was suppressed, by the following order : — 

" Eighth Army Corps, Middle Department. 

"Baltimore, Sept. 30, 1864. 
"Editor Evening Post : — As the surest means of pre- 
venting your office being made the subject of violence, 
you will discontinue the publication of your paper the 
Evening Post. By command of 

" Major-General Wallace." 

Thus were the Democratic citizens of Maryland de- 
prived of all means of knowing by what conduct on 
their part the electoral vote of their State might possi- 
bly be secured for the Democratic candidates. Mr. 
Lincoln was a candidate for re-election himself; that 
part of the army which was stationed in Maryland 
was under his express orders ; and he thus used it, in 



MEXICO UNDEIl MAXIMILIAN. 81 

order to prevent the vote of Maryland from being 
cast for the Democratic candidates. The editors of 
the Evening Post immediately came to Washington, 
to beg the President that he would permit them to re- 
sume the publication of the paper. But Mr. Lincoln 
refused even to see them. Whereupon the Hon. 
Eeverdy Johnson caused the following two letters to 
be published : — 

"Baltimore, Oct. 6, 1864. 
" To the President of the United States. 

" Sir : — The accompanying communication from the 
editor and proprietors of the Evening Post, of this city, 
has been placed in my hands, with a request to forward 
it to you. The wrong it discloses seems to me to be so 
utterly without justification or excuse that I should be 
doing injustice to you to suppose for a moment that 
you will permit it to be continued. 

" You will also receive with this a copy of the paper 
issued on the last day on which its publication was per- 
mitted, and I am sure you will agree with me in the 
opinion that it contains nothing of a disloyal character, 
unless it be that it has at its head the names of Mc 
Clellan and Pendleton, as its preferred candidates in 
the present Presidental canvass. It would be my duty 
to apologize in advance were I even to hint that you 
would consider that as any evidence of disloyalty, or as 
affording the slightest grounds for the suppression of 
the paper. 
6 



82 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

" The reason assigned for the military order com- 
plained of you cannot fail also to agree with me in 
thinking to be wholly insufficient, since the officer issuing 
it had under his command two or three thousand armed 
soldiers, a force abundantly adequate to protect the 
office of the newspaper and its editor from the violence 
of a mob, had there been any indication at the time 
that such violence would be used. 

" I am made the organ of bringing this matter to your 
attention, because of my being one of the Senators of 
the State, and bound by that relation to do what I can 
to protect her citizens against outrage. 

"An early reply to the request of the editors, sent 
through me, is respectfully solicited, and, not doubting 
that it will be a favorable one — I have the honor to re- 
main your obedient servant. 

" REVERDY JOHNSON." 

NEWsPAiPER Suppression at Baltimore. 

"Baltimore, Oct. 10, 1864. 
" To the editors of the National Intelligencer : 
" Gentlemen : — The papers you receive with this 
(and which you will do me the favor to publish) speak 
for themselves, telling a story that no American citizen 
worthy of the name will read but with deep regret. 

" Of the many outrages of like character perpetrated 
j under the authority of the President or with his 
approval, the suppression of the Evening Post is the 
most flagrant. The cause assigned (if true) is a sad 
exhibition of the power of the President to put down 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 83 

a gigantic rebellion having arra^^ed in its support hun- 
dreds of thousands of well disciplined soldiers, com- 
manded by brave and skilful officers. A major-general 
of the President's ai^pointment, having several thousand 
soldiers subject to his orders, has not the power, he tells 
us, to prevent the suppression of a paper by mob 
violence ; and the President, with a want of courtesy not 
to have been expected, refuses to see the gentlemen 
whose property and rights as freemen, he was informed, 
had been outraged, or even to answer respectful letters 
soliciting his interference. 

" Posterity will hardly believe that such things should 
have occurred, and the people in this country, and 
everywhere where liberty is valued, will regard it but 
with shame and indignation. I trust in God that the 
day is near at hand when the constitution which our 
fathers bequeathed us, and the freedom which they de- 
signed should be perpetual, will be ours once more. 
"Yours, with regard, 

"REYERDY JOHNSOK" 

"When the election for President took place, the 
registry law had not yet gone into operation, and the 
Democratic citizens made every effort to vote. These 
efforts were frustrated in two cases out of three, over 
the whole State. The leaders of the radical party in 
Maryland had sought the aid of the great radical 
leaders in Congress, and the latter had instructed the 
military authorities to see to it that no disloyal person 



84: MEXICO JNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

was allowed to vote in Maryland. Parties of soldiers 
were accordingly stationed at every voting place in the 
State. Whenever a Democrat came up to vote, he was 
denounced by the radicals present as " disloyal," and 
was usually hustled away from the polls. About one 
third of the Democratic voters in the State succeeded 
in getting their votes in, but fully two thirds were 
prevented. The judges of the election reported 
the result of this election as follows : For Lincoln, 
forty thousand one hundred and fifty-three; for 
McOlellan, the Democratic candidate, thirty thou- 
sand seven hundred and thirty-nine. Now it being 
notorious that there are ninety thousand Democratic 
voters in the State, it is evident that sixty thousand 
of them were thus deprived of their votes by the bay- 
onets of a foreign soldiery. 

The registry law provides in substance, that no 
person in Marjdand shall be allowed to vote unless his 
name be registered; and that no person's name shall 
be registered unless he can give certain prescribed an- 
swers to some twenty of the most absurd and ridicu- 
lous questions. These questions do not relate to his 
right to vote at all. They relate to his private opin- 
ions, his feelings, his wishes, his hopes, and other 
nonsense of that kind. Yery few Democrats, of course, 
• can answer them to the satisfaction of their political 
opponents. The law was drawn up by the radical 
leaders in Maryland for the express purpose of dis- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 85 

fi-ancliising the Democratic voters of tlie State. A 
State legislature was tlien elected for the express 
purpose of passing this law. This election was con- 
ducted in the same manner as the one described above. 
Yerj few Democrats were allowed to vote; all the 
radical candidates were elected ; and the radical legis- 
lature, thus elected, passed the "registry law." While 
this registry law remains in force, two thirds of the 
citizens of Maryland are thus deprived of their votes. 
Compare these elections in Maryland with the election 
in Mexico, and see which was the freest ; which was 
the most consistent with republican institutions. 

The condition of affairs in Maryland, even at as late 
a day as the 3d of November, 1866, is thus eloquently 
described by Hon. Eeverdy Johnson, in a speech de- 
livered on that day : 

" Before the war, every citizen of Maryland possessed 
the franchise. Now, it is not so. Our people are not 
all on the same footing, and our present constitution 
excludes from the franchise a large majority of our citi- 
zens. The provisions of the registry law are so stringent 
that they exclude many who would not be excluded if 
the constitutional provision on the subject had been 
fairly carried out. The citizen who, having had a father, 
son, or brother in the service of the confederates, even 
felt, during the war, sympathy for his fate, is excluded. 
He who had entertained the opinion that a State had a 
right to secede (a doctrine taught by Jefferson, and 



86 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

maintained by many of the best men in every State), 
is excluded. He who, hearing that a father, son, or 
brother was suffering from want of food or medicine, 
and sent him the smallest quantity of either, is excluded. 
We all remember that most of the registers, with an 
ignorance or audacity never before exhibited, refused 
registration upon the most ridiculous pretences. The 
result was, nearly three fourths of the voters were ex- 
cluded. In the city of Baltimore, about ten thousand 
were registered, when its voting population was thirty 
thousand. And bad as this was, many of those who 
were registered, at the elections that have since occurred 
have been denied the right to vote by partisan judges. 
At the last municipal election, less than eight thousand 
votes were polled, though the entire voting population 
was at least forty thousand. Can this condition of 
things continue ? Ought freemen to permit it ?" 

I am aware that I have made, in this chapter, a 
long digression. But it is not irrelevant to the sub- 
ject. It shows, by comparison with the election held 
in Mexico, in 1863, that the latter was a thousand 
times more free, and expressed the popular will in- 
finitely more correctly, than the elections held in 
Maryland for some years past. 



J 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 87 



CHAPTER V. 

Maximilian's Second Condition also Complied with — The Stability of the 
Mexican Empire Guaranteed by France, Austria, and Belgium — A 
Deputation of Mexicans Arrive at Miramar — Maximilian Accepts the 
Mexican Crown — Embarkation of Maximilian for Mexico — The Voyage 
across the Atlantic — Arrival at Vera Cruz — Reception there — Proclama- 
tion of Maximilian on Landing — Arrival at the City of Mexico — Recep- 
tion there — Rejoicings of the People — Festivities and Illuminations — 
Immensity of the Task which Maximilian found before him — Measures 
which he Adopted to Secure the Prosperity and Hapjiiness of the People 
— Good Eifect of these Measures — Revival of Commerce, and of all 
Branches of Business — Effect of the Encouragement of Industry — ■ 
Gradual Increase in the Revenues of Mexico. 

On the lOtli of April, 1864, Prince Maximilian re- 
ceived the Mexican deputation at Miramar, and for- 
mally accepted the crown and throne of Mexico. M. 
Estrada, president of the deputation, delivered an 
address, in which he dwelt on the importance of the 
national vote of Mexico, which had been taken at the 
request of Maximilian, and which had resulted in the 
ratification of the action of the Assembly of Notables. 
Maximilian, replying, said that he felt not the slightest 
doubt, from the act of adhesion just presented to him, 
that the immense majority of the country were in 
favor of the imperial form of government, and of him- 
self as the head of the State. The choice of the 



88 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

country had been laid down, in his reply of October 
8d, as one condition of his acceptance ; and another 
was, that full guarantees should be given of his being 
able to devote himself peaceably to the task of advanc- 
ing the prosperity of the country. Those guarantees 
were now fully assured, thanks to the magnanimity 
of the Emperor of the French, who, during the whole 
of the negotiations, had shown a straight-forwardness 
and kindness which he (the speaker) could never 
.forget. " The illustrious head of my family," pursued 
the archduke, "having given his consent, I now de- 
clare that, relying on the assistance of the Almighty, 
I accept the crown offered me by the Mexican nation. 
As I stated in my address of October 3d, I shall en- 
deavor to place the monarchy under the authority of 
the constitutional laws as soon as the pacification of 
the country shall be complete. The force of a gov- 
ernment is, in my opinion, more assured by sound 
regulations than by the extent of its limits, and I shall 
be anxious for the exercise of my government to fix 
such bounds to it as may insure its duration. I shall 
hold firmly aloft the flag of independence, as the 
symbol of our future grandeur. I call for the co-opera- 
tion of all the Mexicans who love their country to aid 
me in the accomplishment of my noble but most diffi- 
cult task. Never shall my government forget the 
gratitude it owes to the illustrious sovereign whose 
friendly support has rendered the regeneration of our 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 89 

noble land possible. I am now on tlie point of 
leaving for mj new country, paying, as I go, a visit 
to Eome, where I shall receive from the holy father 
that benediction which is so precious for all sover- 
eigns, but above all to me, called, as I am, to found a 
new empire." 

As soon as the archduke had uttered the last word, 
the deputation and all the Mexicans present acclaimed 
their new sovereign by crying out three times : " God 
save the Emperor Maximilian I." " God save the 
Empress Carlotta !" At the same instant, salutes of 
artillery, fired from the bastions of the castle, an- 
nounced to the pnblic the accession of the Archduke 
Maximilian to the throne of Mexico, and were imme- 
diately followed by other salutes from the port and 
town of Trieste. Then M. Gutierrez de Estrada, as 
president of the deputation, returned thanks to his 
majesty for his definitive acceptance of the Mexican 
crown. He said : 

" Sire, this complete and absolute acceptation on the 
part of your Majesty is the prelude of our happiness ; 
it is the consecration of the salvation of Mexico, of its 
approaching regeneration, of its future greatness. 
Every year, on this day, our children will offer up 
their thanksgivings to heaven in gratitude for our 
miraculous deliverance. As for us, sire, there remains 
a last duty to perform, and that is to lay at your feet 



90 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

our love, our gratitude, and the liomage of our 
fidelity." 

The arrangements ' of Maximilian for his yoyage 
across the Atlantic were soon completed, and a few 
days afterward he embarked, accompanied by the 
Empress Carlotta, and attended by a' brilliant retinue, 
composed of Mexican, French, and Austrian officers 
of high rank, many of whom also were accompanied 
by their wives and daughters. The Emperor of 
Austria had placed at the service of Maximilian, for 
this ocean transit, three national vessels, although one 
of them was of a capacity sufficient to convey the 
young Emperor, with most of the members of his suite, 
in perfect comfort. The voyage was a very pleasant 
one, and was marked by no unusual incidents. 

Toward the end of May, 1864, the little fleet reached 
Yera Cruz in safety, and the distinguished party 
immediately landed. They were received by the 
authorities and inhabitants of the city, with every 
mark of consideration and respect, and Maximilian 
immediately issued the following proclamation. 

''PROCLAMATION. 

" Mexicans : — You have desired my presence. Your 
noble nation, by a universal vote, has elected me hence- 
forth the guardian of your destinies. I gladly obey 
your will. Painful as it has been for me to bid farewell 
fbrever to my own, my native country, I have done so, 
being convinced that the Almighty has pointed out to 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN-, , 91 

me, through you, the great and noble duty of devoting 
all m}^ might and heart to the care of a people who, at 
last, tired of war and disastrous contests, sincerely wish 
for peace and prosperity — a people who, having glori- 
ousl}^ obtained their independence, desire to reap the 
benefits of civilization and of true progress only to be 
attained through a stable Constitutional Government. 
The reliance that 3'ou place in me, and I in you, will be 
crowned by a brilliant triumph if we remain always 
steadfastly united in courageously defending those 
great principles which are the only true and lasting 
basis of modern government, those principles of inviola- 
ble and immutable justice, the equality of all men before 
the law ; equal advantages to all in attaining positions 
of trust and honor, socially and politically ; complete 
and well-defined personal liberty, consisting in protec- 
tion to the individual and the protection of his property ; 
encouragement to the national wealth, improvements in 
agriculture, mining, and manufactures ; the establish- 
ment of new lines of communication for an extensive 
commerce ; and lastly, the free development of intelli- 
gence in all that relates to public welfare. The blessing 
of God, and with it progress and liberty, will not surely 
be wanting if all parties, under the guidance of a strong 
National Government, unite together to accomplish 
what I have just indicted, and if we continue to be ani- 
mated by that religious sentiment which has made our 
beautiful country so prominent even in the most troub- 
lous periods. 

" The civilizing flag of France, raised to such a high 



92 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

position by her noble Emperor, to whom you owe the 
new birth of order and peace, represents those princi- 
ples. Hear what, in sincere and disinterested words, 
the chief of his army told you a few months since, being 
the messenger of a new era of happiness : ' Every 
country which has wished for a great future, has become 
great and powerful.' 

" Following in this course, if we are united, loyal, 
and firm, God will grant us strength to reach that 
degree of prosperity which is the object of our am- 
bition. 

" Mexicans : The future of your beautiful country is 
controlled by yourselves. Its future is yours. In all 
that relates to myself, I offer you a sincere will, a hearty 
loj^alty, and a firm determination to respect the laws 
and to cause them to be respected by an undeviating 
and all-efficient authorit3^ 

" My strength rests in God and in your loyal confi- 
dence. The banner of independence is my sj'^mbol ; 
my motto you know already: 'Equal justice to all.' 
I will be faithful to this trust through all my life. It is 
my duty conscientiouisly to wield the sceptre of author- 
ity, and with firmness the sword of honor. 

" To the Empress is confided the sacred trust of de- 
voting to the country all the noble sentiments of Chris- 
tian virtue and all the teachings of a tender mother. 

" Let us unite to reach the goal of our common de- 
sires ; let us forget past sorrows ; let us lay aside party 
hatreds, and the bright moruiug of peace and of well- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 93 

deserved happiness will dawn gloriously on our new 

empire. 

" MAXIMILIAlSr. 

"Yera Cruz, 3Iay 28, 1864." 

This proclamatioa was immediately circulated all 
over the country, and it had a most happy effect. 
After being at the mercy of one military adventurer 
after another, for forty years, whose boundless rapa- 
city had kept them in constant poverty, the Mexican 
peojjle now hoped that a deliverer had come at last, 
who would protect them in their persons and property 
and allow them to pursue the avocations of peace and 
industry in security. Nor were these bright anticipa- 
tions disappointed. 

On the 12th of June, 1864, the Emperor made his 
formal entry into the capital of Mexico. Escorted by 
a brilliant retinue of troops, whose bright uniforms, 
polished armor, and glittering weapons flashed in the 
sunlight, and followed by a motley crowd of Indians, 
dressed in strange and uncouth garments, he rode into 
the city amid the noise of artillery, and the clashing 
of musical instruments. After leaving Eio Frio, he 
and the Empress travelled on horseback for six miles, 
arriving at the hacienda of Zoquiapan at nightfall, 
while the rain was falling copiously. On the follow- 
ing da}^ (the 11th) they again left for Ayutla and 
Guadaloupe, and it was between these two towns 
that the Indians flocked to ioin the cavalcade, bearins: 



94: MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

banners made of palm leaves and calico, and covered 
•with devices and inscriptions in the Mexican language. 
A number of floral arches were also erected along the 
road, and on one or two occasions children were sent 
out with bouquets of fresh flowers to be presented to 
the Empress, who received them with great kind- 
ness and evident satisfaction. Deputations of citizens, 
male and female, left the city early in the morning to 
meet the imperial party, and, arriving at Guadaloupe 
at about noon, added to the activity and brilliancy of 
the scene. 

As soon as the cannon of the fort announced the 
appearance of the Emperor, the political and munici- 
pal authorities went out to greet and welcome him. 
The archbishops of Mexico and Michoacan and the 
bishop of Oajaca awaited their majesties at some dis- 
tance from the door of the church, and on their ap- 
proach conducted them withm its walls under a 
silken canopy. The church itself was decorated for 
the occasion in the most complete and expensive 
fashion, a throne having been erected for the sove- 
reigns. The services of the day began by the inton- 
ing of the "Domino salvum fac Imperatorem" by 
Archbishop Labastida and the other prelates present. 
At the close of the religious exercises the Emperor 
returned to the entrance and passed through to the 
cabildo. Here, in one of the largest saloons, the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 95 

political prefect of Mexico, Senor Yillar de Bocanega, 
made tlie following address to the Emperor : 

" Sire : — At the foot of the portentous Cerro of 
Tepeyac, and divided only by a wall from the temple 
in which is venerated the protecting mother of the 
Mexicans, the Guadaloupan virgin, the political prefect 
of the first department of the empire, the municipal 
prefect of the great city of Mexico, the ayuntamiento, 
the archbishop and other authorities, full of the most 
grateful pleasure, their hearts swelling with joy, pre- 
sent themselves before their beloved sovereigns to 
welcome them on their happy arrival at the gates of 
the city in which is erected the throne which the 
Mexicans have reared for them. Words fail me to 
express at once our gratitude for abandoning another 
throne, riches, country, parents, brothers, and friends ; 
and having compassion for our misfortunes, your 
majesties have deigned to come and try to make us 
happy, and to save us from the evils which were lead- 
ing us to disappear from the catalogue of nations. By 
information and writing your majesties have heard of 
the will of the people, and now you personally see 
that you have not been deceived, but that from the 
shores of Vera Cruz to the gates of the city all 
acclaim their sovereigns, their enthusiasm having no 
limits. The Mexicans will continue to do so ; and 
sire, I protest, in the name of the departments under 



96 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

my charge, that we will obey and assist the monarch 
whom we have chosen." 

The Emperor's reply was brief and to the point. 
He said: 

" Profoundly moved by the enthusiastic reception 
which I have from all the towns and cities in my 
progress, my emotion and my gratitude acquire new 
intensity on finding myself at the gates of the capital, 
to see its principal authorities assembled to congratu- 
late me in a place so respected and so dear to me and 
the Empress, as it is to all Mexicans. I thank you 
for your felicitations and salute you with the warmth 
of one who loves you and who has identified his fate 
with yours." 

At the close of this little speech, which the Empe- 
ror spoke with great earnestness, applause burst forth 
on all sides, accompanied by clapping of hands, and 
waving of handkerchiefs by the ladies. Such a bril- 
liant sight had seldom been seen in Mexico as the 
appearance of the city on this occasion. The streets 
selected for the imperial transit were decorated in 
the most profuse and dazzling styles of beauty and 
splendor. Every building, public and private, was 
closed and hung v/-ith flags and banners, mingled 
with festoons of flowers. The streets and public 
places were lined with soldiers, French for the most 
part. Balconies and windows commanding a view of 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 97 

the line of marcli brouglit fabulous prices. Churclies 
and claurcli-towers were gaudily decorated; wbile the 
bells of the cathedral and other edifices kept up a 
continual clangor. The palace and public buildings 
in the square were sumptuously ornamented, and 
portraits of the Emperor and Empress appeared at 
many of the windows. To give a full idea of the 
various decorations of the streets would occupy much 
more space than is necessary. But it must be confessed 
that it was a brilliant and successful affair, not only so 
far as the mere display of taste was concerned, but also 
because it was accompanied by every manifestation of 
genuine enthusiasm on the part of a free people. 

The arrival of the Emperor was made known by 
salvos of artillery from in front of the Portales, and 
as he rode along in an open carriage, with the Em- 
press at his side, the ladies from the balconies and 
azoteas showered down rose-leaves and gold and silver 
leaves upon them in great profusion. Frequently 
the streets were so crowded with people that the 
whole cortege had to stop, and then the Emperor 
would bow all around to the people in the streets, on 
the balconies, and on the housetops. Loud cheers 
and vivas resounded in every street through which 
the brilliant cavalcade passed, and the ladies waved 
their handkerchiefs and small flags, both French and 
Mexican. The Emperor rode along the Calle San 

Francisco to Calle Potrero, and thence direct to the 
1 



98 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

catliedral, where the bishops were prepared to con- 
duct him to the throne there erected for him. The 
crowds gathered about the square and the palace at 
this time were very large, but there was no disorder 
or confusion. 

After the celebration of mass, the Emperor received 
his friends in the national palace, and presented many 
of them to the Empress. On several distinguished 
Mexicans he conferred the order of Guadaloupe. 
General Mejia was among those who were thus hon- 
ored. Banqueting and festivity filled up the rest of 
the day, and toward evening the Emperor took a ride 
in the groves at the end of the city. 

The illumination of the capital in the evening was 
the most brilliant and successful part of the whole 
demonstration. As darkness fell upon the city, the 
dwellings on the principal streets were at once trans- 
formed into palaces of light and beauty. Brilliancy 
of color and effect prevailed everywhere. The great 
square or plaza in front of the palace was decorated 
and illuminated in excellent style, while the centre of 
the enclosure was reserved for the display of fire- 
works to come off at night. The palace itself, as well 
as the Monte Pio, Portales, Museum, and other public 
and private edifices in the vicinity, blazed with lights 
of every order of form, color, and brilliancy. The 
cathedral, with its old towers flashing out hundreds 
of lights, was the most attractive of all. From its 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 99 

portals, around its corridors, and to the higliest pin- 
nacle of its great belfry, innumerable lamps were sus- 
pended, the united effect of so many lights on so great 
an eminence being very beautiful. The windows of 
the towers, too, were all thrown wide open, and illu- 
minated ; and the bells therein were kept continually 
revolving and thundering out their loud notes of 
acclamation. 

At eight ©'clock, the gathering in the square con- 
sisted of many thousands of people. The main street, 
which traverses the city from the square to 'the Ala- 
mada, was the scene of much activity, beauty, and 
attraction. All the houses along its whole length 
were draped with white and colored curtains, and 
from the windows, balconies, and azoteas floated innu- 
merable national flags, banners, and ensigns. Here 
and there, at regular distances, gigantic triumphal 
arches were erected, and, though not all entirely com- 
plete or perfect, adorned with a multitude of green 
boughs, odorous blossoms and fresh flowers, gathered 
in the extensive gardens around the city. Exquisite 
bouquets and garlands, skilfully worked in every 
style of native art, were suspended around the col- 
umns, tributes of ingenuity and of loyalty of the 
Indian peasants, who had gathered the fragrant roses 
in the bosom of the tranquil mountains. Beneath 
the gleaming colored light of thousands of lanterns, 
all these designs and architectural triumphs were seen 



100 3WEXIC0 UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

to great advantage. The principal decorations and 
illuminations in the Calle de Potrero and the Calle 
de San FranciscO; the one being a continuation of the 
other, were those of the German Club, the Hotel de 
Iturbide, and the residences of Messrs. Barron and 
Escandon, wealthy residents of Mexico. The German 
decorations were got up with all the taste and ele- 
gance for which this people are so famous in all parts 
of the world. Many of their congratulatory inscrip- 
tions were written in the language of " Yaderland," 
and must, therefore, have been particularly pleasing 
to the Emperor. M. Escandon's house was orna- 
mented by two splendid oil paintings of Maximilian 
and Carlotta, very good likenesses indeed, the pro- 
ductions of a Mexican priest. The residence of M. 
Barron was also artistically illuminated. In the cen- 
tre were two paintings, more than ten feet high, the 
one representing Maximilian seated on his throne, 
attended by figures of Peace and Plenty, and handing 
to Almonte a scroll of the Constitution. In'^ the per- 
spective, ISTapoleon the Third was seen pointing to 
the valley of Mexico, where a couple of very large 
oxen were seen ploughing, and a railroad extending 
in circuitous lines until it was lost in the clouds. 
The other painting was a representation of the Em- 

* See Eeport on Mexican afFau's, in the first volume of 
"Executive Documents, No. 73," transmitted to Congress, 
March 20, 1866. 



JIEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAISr. 101 

press surrounded hy the ladies of the court. The 
scene along tlie street, from seven to ten at night, was 
more like the realization of some fairy dream than of 
any thing else one could suppose. 

Thus Avas Maximilian welcomed to liis capital. 
From that moment to the present, the attachment of 
the Mexican people to his person and his govern- 
ment has never wavered, but has, on the other hand, 
steadily increased. This attachment is based upon 
the gratitude which the Mexicans feel, for the un- 
wearied zeal with whicb the Emperor has devoted 
himself to the advancement of the happiness and 
prosperity of the people, and upon the success which 
has attended his endeavors. 

The task which Maximilian found before him, on 
assuming the administration of the government of 
Mexico, was probably the most difficult that has ever 
confronted any ruler or chief magistrate of modern 
times. Everything was in confusion. Forty years 
of anarchy had destroyed all order and system, in 
every department of the government. The people 
were impoverished by the repeated exactions of the 
republican chiefs who had succeeded each other in 
the supreme power. Agriculture languished, because 
to plant, cultivate, and raise a crop, was only to do so 
for the benefit of some republican guerrilla chief, who 
would swoop down upon the farmer's barn, and carry 
off the whole produce of his farm, as soon as it w^.s 



102 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN'. 

harvested. The mechanic arts languished, because 
the incessant civil wars that had prevailed, had com- 
pelled nearly all the young men in the country to 
serve under the banners of one or the other of the 
contending chiefs, and there were few left at home, 
either to learn, or to carry on, the, useful arts. Com- 
merce languished for the same reason, and, also, be- 
cause even the most wealthy merchants were liable to 
be deprived of the fruits of years of labor and enter- 
prise, by the forced loans and forced contributions 
which were levied incessantly by the republican 
chiefs ; exactions which it was impossible to resist, 
and for which no redress could be obtained. In a 
word, every department of industry was paralyzed ; 
the wealth of the country was drained by the chief 
of whatever republican party happened to be in power, 
and was lavished to enrich his followers ; and no one 
had any incentive to engage in any of those enter- 
prises which develope the resources, increase the 
wealth, and add to the prosperity and happiness of 
other countries. 

The Emperor fully comprehended the situation, 
and set himself resolutely to work to effect a radical 
change in all these particulars. The principles upon 
which the government was to be administered, had 
already been enunciated, and had commended them- 
selves to the approval of every intelligent Mexican. 
First of all, the Emperor caused it to be distinctly 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 103 

understood, that henceforth every citizen of Mexico 
\Yas to be protected by the laws, in his person and his 
property ; that life and property were to be secure ; 
and that every one was expected to devote himself 
with assiduity to his business, without any apprehen- 
sion of being called upon for compulsory military ser- 
vice. No sooner was this understood, than a marked 
change took place at once, all over the empire. The 
merchants, in the large towns, who were fortunate 
enough to have agricultural implements for sale, 
were besieged by crowds of farmers anxious to buy 
ploughs, scythes, forks, shovels, rakes, any thing 
with which they might resume the cultivation of 
their long neglected fields. The supply of these arti- 
cles was soon exhausted ; but orders were sent to 
New York and Philadelphia for fresh supplies, as 
well as for the more improved descriptions of imple- 
ments which had not yet been introduced in Mexico, 
This was the beginning of a trade of this kind, be- 
tween Mexico and the cities of the United States, 
which, although, of moderate dimensions during the 
war, has grown to very large proportions during the 
last two years. And here is a fact that speaks vol- 
umes in favor of the Mexican merchants. Their first 
purchases were made on credit; necessarily so, for 
they were so impoverished by their forced " contri- 
butions" to the republican chiefs as to be unable to 
pay in cash ; but their bills were always promptly 



104 MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

met: and now, and for more than a year past, they 
both buy and sell for cash. There could not be a 
stronger proof than this, of the real and substantial 
benefits which the government of Maximilian has 
conferred upon the Mexican people. 

In every other department of industry in Mexico, 
the same enterprise began to be exhibited, and with 
the same encouraging results. The mechanic arts re- 
ceived a powerful impetus. Mexican mechanics have 
always been noted for their ingenuity, and for the 
excellence of their workmanship. Encouraged now 
by the prospect of certain remuneration for their 
labor, they devoted themselves in all the principal 
cities and towns, to their respective departments of 
labor with an assiduity which met with an immediate 
and generous reward. Before the lapse of many 
months, hundreds of the Mexican youth, instead of 
growing up in idleness and crime, were apprenticed 
by their parents to skilled artisans in the various 
handicrafts, and are now qualifying themselves for 
lives of usefulness. The demand for the work of 
these artisans has steadily increased. Nearly all the 
furniture used in Mexico is made by them ; and they 
are very skilful workers in gold and silver ware, and 
in all the various manufactures of iron and brass. 
The productive industry of this very useful class of 
citizens is not confined to the capital and the chief 
cities. In States at a distance from the capital, 



MEXICO UNPEK MASIMILIAN. 105 

the same security has been felt, and the same enter- 
prise manifested. During the summer of 1866,. and 
before the Empress Carlotta sailed for Europe, both 
she and the Emperor were the recipients of many 
beautiful presents consisting of useful and valuable 
articles, manufactured by native Mexicans in distant 
parts of the empire. From Yucatan, the Empress 
received several handsome workboxes and work- 
stands, made of native Mexican wood, beautifully pol- 
ished, and inlaid with gold and silver; and a splendid 
ladies' saddle, which was described to the author, by 
a gentleman who saw it, as the most superb specimen 
of saddlery that he had ever seen. A bridle, whip, 
and elegant saddle-cloth, richly embroidered, all of 
native Mexican manufacture, accompanied the saddle ; 
and these articles, rich as they were, are only a speci- 
men of the articles that are commonly made by the 
Mexican artisans. 

The commerce of Mexico received at once a power- 
ful impetus. It was to some extent hampered at first, 
by the existence of the war in the United States. 
But with the West Indies, with South America, and 
with several of the European countries, a brisk trade 
at once sprang up, which has been steadily increas- 
ing ever since, and has been, for the last two years, 
a source of considerable revenue to the imperial 
treasury. 



106 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 



CHAPTER YI. 

Causes of the Success of Maximilian's Government — Severe Measures 
Adopted against the Guerillas — Good Effect of these Measures — The 
Authority of the Empire Gradually Extended over the "Whole of Mexico 
— Republican Mexican Soldiers join the Army of Maximilian— Their 
Reasons for doing so — Construction of Railroads, and Other Works of 
Internal Improvement — The New Coinage — The Finances — Encourage- 
ment Afforded to Education by Maximilian — Encouragement Extended 
to Literature — Freedom of Religion in Mexico — The Administration of 
Justice — Publication of the Mexican Laws — Admirable Features of the 
Mexican Code — The Empress Carlotta — Her Visit to Yucatan. 

The success wliicli has attended the administration 
of the government of Mexico during the last three 
years, may be .attributed to two causes : first to the 
indomitable energy and perseverance of the Emperor 
Maximilian himself and to his admirable and unusual 
administrative qualities; and to the incomparably 
noble manner in which all his efforts have been 
seconded by his devoted and- affectionate wife, the 
Empress Carlotta : — and second, to the fact that he has 
been fortunate in having around him a body of Mexi- 
can gentlemen, both in and out of his cabinet, who 
are truly and honestly devoted to the interests of 
their country ; and who, with unselfish patriotism, 
have consecrated their lives to its service. Every 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 107 

mouarcb, uo matter how active lie may be, must, to 
some extent; see witli the eyes, and hear with the ears 
of other people. Maximilian has travelled considera- 
bly in Mexico, and has seen and heard for himself, 
as much as possible, of the condition of the country 
and the people. : but he has derived immense advan- 
tage from the information and suggestions furnished 
to him by the Mexican gentlemen to whom I have 
alluded, who, of course, are perfectly acquainted with 
all that relates to the interests of the country. 

In the organization of his government, Maximilian 
wisely availed himself of the services of these Mexi- 
can gentlemen, as well as of the experienced states- 
men and financiers who had been sent to his assist- 
ance by the Emperor Napoleon. His council of 
Ministers, and his council of State, were thus com- 
posed of the very men who were best qualified to 
give proper direction to the various measures neces- 
sary to carry on the government. 

There were three subjects, which seemed to demand 
the immediate attention of the Emperor. These were 
the finances, military operations, and the treatment 
of the robbers and guerrillas by whom the roads in 
Mexico were infested. 

A year had elapsed since the capture of Mexico by 
General Forey, and the defeat and dispersion of the 
republican army. During that time the French forces 
in Mexico had been actively engaged in pursuing the 



108 MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

remnants of the republican troops, who, broken up 
into small detaclimentS; roamed all over the country, 
robbing and murdering travellers, and plundering 
and burning houses, and even villages. This kind 
of warfare, on the part of the French troops, was 
exceedingly laborious and unprofitable, and was 
attended by few decisive results. The guerrillas, by 
their superior knowledge of the roads and mountain 
passes, almost uniformly escaped capture. They 
always retreated before the French, and thus drew 
them on, many a weary mile, through difficult moun- 
tain passes, and then at last eluded them. 

The atrocities which they committed were horrible. 
Eobbery and murder were the least of their crimes. 
The outrages which they committed on the helpless 
women who fell into their hands, were too dreadful 
to speak of in detail ; but these atrocities roused 
against them the anger of every Mexican. The 
Emperor therefore issued the following proclamation 
and decree, on the 2d and 3d of October, 1865. 

" Proclamation op his Majesty the Emperor. 

" Mexicans : — The cause which Don Benito Juarez 
defended with so much valor and constancy has already 
succumbed under the force, not only of the national 
will, but also of the very law which that officer invoked 
in support of his pretensions. To-day even the faction 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 109 

into M'hieli the said cause degenerated is abandoned 
by tlie departure of its cliief from tlie native soil, 

" Tlie national government for a long time was 
lenient and exercised great clemency, in order to give 
the chance to misled and misinformed men to rally to 
the majorit}^ of the nation and to place themselves 
anew in the path of duty. It has fulfilled its object ; 
the honorable men have assembled under its banner, 
and have accepted the just and liberal princiiDles which 
regulate its politics. The disorder is only maintained 
by some leaders carried away by unpatriotic passions, 
and assisted by demoralized persons who cannot reach 
to the level of political principles, and by an unprinci- 
pled soldiery, the last and sad remnants of the civil 
wars. 

" Hereafter the contest will only be between the 
honorable men of the nation and the gangs of criminals 
and robbers. Clemency will cease now, for it would 
only profit the mob who burn villages, rob and murder 
peaceful citizens, poor old men and defenceless women. 

" The government, resting on its power, from this 
day will be inflexible in its punishments, since the laws 
of civilization, the rights of humanity, and the exigen- 
cies of moralitj^ demand it. 

"Mexico, October 2, 1865. . MAXIMILIAN." 

" Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico. 
"Having heard our council of ministers and our 
council of state, we decree . 

" Article 1. All persons belonging to armed bands 



110 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

or corps, not legally authorized, wlietlier they proclaim 
or not any political principles, and whatever he the 
number of those who compose the said bands, their 
organization, character, and denomination, shall be 
tried militarily by the courts-martial ; and if found 
guilty even of the only fact of belonging to the band, 
they shall be condemned to capital punishment within 
the twenty-four hours following the sentence. 

Art. 2. Those who, belonging to the bands men- 
tioned in the previous article, will be captured with 
arms in their hands, shall be tried by the officer of the 
force which has captured them, and he shall, within a 
delay never extending over twenty -four hours after the 
said capture, make a verbal inquest of the offence, 
hearing the defence of the prisoner. Of this inquest 
he will draw an act, closing with the sentence, which 
must be to capital punishment, if the accused is found 
guilty, even if only of the fact of belonging to the 
band. The officer shall have the sentence executed 
within the twenty-four hours aforesaid, seeing that the 
criminal receive spiritual assistance. The sentence 
having been executed, the officer shall forward the act 
of inquest to the minister of war. 

"Art 3. From the penalty established in the pre- 
ceding articles shall only be '(exempted those who, 
having done nothing more than being with the band, 
will prove that they were made to join it by force, or 
did not belong to it, but were found accidentally in it. 

"Art. 4. If, from the inquest mentioned in article 
two, facts are elicited which induce the officer holding 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". Ill 

it to believe that the prisoner was made to joia the 
band b}^ force, without having committed any other 
crime, or tliat he was found accidentally in it, without 
belonging to it, the said officer shall abstain from 
passing sentence, and he shall send the accused, with 
the respective act of inquest to the proper court-martial 
in order that the trial be proceeded with by the latter, 
in conformity with article one. 

"Art. 5. Shall be tried and sentenced conformably 
with article one of this law; 1st. All those who will 
voluntarily assist the guerrilleros with money, or any 
other means whatever. 2d. Those who will give them 
advice, information, or counsel. 3d. Those who volun- 
tarily, and knowing that they are guerrilleros, will put 
within their reach, or sell them arms, horses, ammuni- 
tion, subsistence, or any articles of war whatever. 

"Art. 6. Shall also be tried conformably with the said 
article 1st: 1. Those who will hold with" the guerril- 
leros sucli relations as infer connivance with them. 2. 
Those who voluntarily and knowingly will conceal 
them in their houses or estates. 3. Those who, by 
word, or writing, will spread false or alarming reports, 
by which public order may be disturbed, or will make 
against it any kind of demonstration whatever. 4. 
All owners or administrators of rural estates who will 
not give prompt notice to the nearest authority of the 
passage of some band through the same estates. Those 
included in paragraphs Lst and 2d of this article shall 
be punished by imprisonment from six months to two 
3'ears, or by hard labor from one to three years. 



112 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAISr. 

according to the gravity of tlie case. Those who, being 
included in paragraph 2d, were the ascendants, descen- 
dants, spouses, or brothers of the party concealed by 
them, shall not suffer the penalty aforesaid, but they 
shall remain subject to the vigilance of the authorities 
during the time the court-martial will fix. Those in- 
cluded in paragraph 3d of this article shall be punished 
by a fine of from twenty-five to one thousand dollars, 
or by imprisonment from one month to one je&r, accord- 
ing to the gravity of the offence. Those included in 
paragraph 4th of this article shall be punished by a fine 
of from two hundred to two thousand dollars. 

"Art 1. The local authorities of the villages who 
will not give notice to their immediate superiors of the 
passage through their villages of armed men will be 
ministerially punished by the said superiors by a fine 
of from two hundred dollars to two thousand dollars, 
or by seclusion from three months to two years. 

"Art. 8. Whatever resident of a village who, having 
information of the proximity or passage of armed men by 
the village, will not give notice of it to the authorities, 
shall suffer a fine of from five to five hundred dollars. 

"Art. 9. All residents of a village threatened by 
some gang, who are between the ages of eighteen and 
fifty-five years, and have no ph3^sical disability, arc 
obliged to present themselves for the common defence 
as soon as called, and for failing to do so they shall be 
punished by a fine of from five to two hundred dollars, 
or by imprisonment of fifteen da3^s to four months. If 
the authorities think it more proper to punish the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIJIILIAN. 113 

village for not having defended itself, tliey may impose 
upon it a fine of from two hundred to two thousand 
dollars, and the said fine shall be paid by all those 
together, who, being in the category prescribed by this 
article, did not present themselves for the common 
defence. 

"Art. 10. All owners or administrators of rural 
estates, who, being able to defend themselves, will not 
prevent the entrance in the said estates, of guerrilleros 
or other malefactors ; or, after these have entered, will 
not give the immediate information of it to the nearest 
military authcity ; or it will receive on the estates the 
tired or wounded horses of the gangs, without notifjdng 
the said authority of the fact, shall be punished for it 
by a fine of from one hundred dollars to two thousand 
dollars, according to the importance of the case ; and 
if it is of great gravity, they shall be put in prison and 
sent to the court-martial, to be tried by the latter con- 
formably with the law. The fine shall be paid to the 
principal administrator of rents to which the estate 
belongs. The provision of the first part of this article 
is applicable to the populations. 

"Art. 11. Whatever authorities, whether political, 
military, or municipal, shall abstain from proceeding, 
in conformity with the provisions of this law, against 
parties suspected or known to have committed the 
offences provided for in said law, will be ministerial!}'' 
punished by a fine of from fifty dollars to one thousand 
dollars ; and if it appear that the fault was of such a 
nature as to import complicity with the criminal, the 



114 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

said authorities will be submitted, by order of the 
government, to the court-martial, to be tried by the 
latter, and punished according to the gravity of the 
offence. 

"Art. 12. Thieves shall be tried and sentenced in 
conformity with article 1st of this law, whatever may 
be the nature and circumstances of the theft. 

Art. 13. The sentence of death pronounced for 
offences provided for by this law shall be executed 
within the delays prescribed in it, and it is prohibited 
that any demands for pardon be gone through. If the 
sentence is not of death, and the criminal is a foreigner 
even after its execution, the government may use 
toward him the faculty it has to expel from the terri- 
tory of the nation all obnoxious strangers. 

"Art. 14. Amnesty is granted to all those who 
may have belonged, and may still belong, to armed 
bands, if they present themselves to the authorities 
before the 15th of November next, provided they have 
not committed any other offences subsequently to the 
date of the present law. The authorities will receive 
the arms of those who will present themselves to accept 
the amnesty. 

"Art. 15. The government reserves the faculty to 
declare when the provisions of this law will cease. 

" Each one of our ministers is charged with the execu- 
tion of this law in the part which concerns him, and 
will give the necessary orders for its strict observance. 

" Given at the palace of Mexico on the 3d of October 
1865. " MAXIMILIAN." 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 115 

The good effects of tlie course thus determined upon 
were immediately apparent. During the course . of 
the ensuing six weeks, several hundred men, who 
belonged to these guerrilla bands, voluntarily came 
in, gave up their arms, received the executive clem- 
ency, and began to engage once more in the pursuits 
of honest industr3^ It was a remarkable circumstance 
that almost all those who thus eagerly embraced the 
opportunity of withdrawing from a life of crime, were 
young men, mostly from twenty to twenty-five years 
of age They stated that they had been forced to 
enter the republican army, and on the defeat and 
dispersion of that army had been persuaded by their 
older comrades to join the guerilla bands. So far as 
is known, all of them have become honest and useful 
citizens. 

The remnants of the guerilla bands now withdrew 
themselves to the more remote parts of the empire, and 
the principal roads were no longer infested by their 
presence. The operations against them were contin- 
ued with great vigor, and whenever any of them were 
captured they were summarily dealt with. 

The military operations were conducted under the 
direction of General Bazaiae. Although the main 
army of the republic had been destroyed and its frag- 
ments dispersed, there yet remained in the field, in 
various parts of the empire, certain detachments of 
republican troops, who continued to be a source of 



116 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

considerable trouble. Juarez himself, with a few hun- 
dred men, had retreated from Mexico to San Luis 
Potosi ; from San Luis to Zacatecas ; from Zacatecas to 
Saltillo ; from Saltillo to Monterey ; from Monterey to 
Chihuahua. This place was at such a distance from 
the City of Mexico (nine hundred miles by the roads, 
or as far as from New Orleans to Chicago), that it was 
a work of the greatest difficulty to carry on military 
operations over so great an extent of country ; and 
therefore Juarez was able to remain at Chihuahua for 
several months. During the summer of 1865, how- 
ever, he was driven from that place by a few regiments 
of French troops, and escaped to El Paso del Norte, on 
the extreme northern frontier of Mexico. By the 
month of September, 1865, he was compelled to leave 
that place also, and, crossing the Eio Grande, he fled 
for some distance into Texas. It was then that the 
Emperor Maximilian issued the proclamation of Octo- 
ber 2d, quoted above. 

By that time, the good effects of Maximilian's mild 
but firm government had begun to be felt in all parts 
of the empire The Mexican people of all classes saw, 
that, for the first time in forty years, Mexico had a good 
government, a government which had at heart the 
happiness and prosperity of the people. Thousands 
of the Mexican citizens who had heretofore been at- 
tached to the republic, now gave in their adhesion to 
the empire; and besides this, hundreds of soldiers 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 117 

deserted the various detachments of republican troops 
that still maintained their organization, and asked- to 
be allowed to take service under Maximilian. A gen- 
tleman who has lived many years in Mexico, has 
related to the author a conversation which he had with 
one of these deserters, who, at that time, was a ser- 
geant in one of Maximilian's Mexican regiments. He 
found the man very intelligent, and when he asked 
him why he had wished to join Maximilian's army, he 
replied, " Because I and my comrades had learned 
Avhat the Emperor had done for Mexico, how the 
country was prosperous and happy wherever his 
authority extended, and how the Empress was exerting 
herself to build up and support schools and factories." 
The feelings of this humble Mexican soldier were no 
doubt the feelings of thousands of his comrades and 
countrymen. A letter from Mexico, written at this 
time, says: 

" The work of pacification is progressing satisfactorily 
in several departments of the empire. The States of 
Oajaca, of Colima, and of Sonoro are now, after years 
of bloody conflicts, enjoying a certain degree of peace 
and security. Guerillas have disappeared from most of 
the districts, and the population is pursuing with great 
energy the few hands who remain yet in the mountains 

" The imperialists are in hope to crush the guerillas in 
the opening campaign, and in less than a year succeed 
in completely pacifying the country. Tlie}^ base their 



118 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

confidence upon the fact that a j^ear ago Juarez was 
still in possession of several States and cities from 
which he has been expelled without trouble or resist- 
ance, most part of the time by the inhabitants themselves, 
and without the assistance of the French. They say 
that, during these twelve months, the cities of Matamoi'as, 
Monterey, and Mazatlan have been occupied, the State 
of Talisco completely pacified, the State of Oajaca con- 
quered, Sonoro submitted, and the last organized corps 
of the Juarists destroj^ed or dispersed. Juarez himself, 
compelled to leave the central part of Mexico, has so 
little expectation of causing any portion of the people, 
however small, to rise in his behalf, that he deems it pru- 
dent to run to the frontier and to place himself under 
protection of the guns placed along the Texan shore." 

Such a thing as a railroad in Mexico was unknown 
before the advent of Maximilian. But at a very early 
period of his administration he devoted his attention 
to this subject. By offering encouragement to capital- 
ists and engineers, he soon had several lines of railway 
undertaken, on all of which satisfactory progress has 
been made. The principal line is the one from Vera 
Cruz to the capital. Of this, one half of the distance 
is now completed and in operation. This road is being 
built by the eminent engineers, Smith, Knight & Co., 
of London. The solid and substantial character of the 
work may be inferred from the fact that one of the 
bridges, near Orizaba, constructed entirely of iron, is 
nine hundred feet long and three hundred feet high. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 119 

Otlier works of internal improvement were at once 
commenced, and carried on with vigor under the 
direction of the government. The roads and canals 
were repaired and improved ; an improved system of 
drainage was adopted for the capital, and the city of 
Mexico was adorned and beautified by the establish- 
ment of a new and extensive park, which owes its 
existence to the liberality and public spirit of the 
Empress. 

The finances were placed in charge of M. Langlais, 
a very able French financier, who speedily brought 
order out of confusion. Under his wise and judicious 
administration, the revenues of the country were 
placed upon such a basis as very soon afforded a satis- 
factory income. M. Langlais unfortunately died some 
months ago ; but before his death he had the satisfac- 
tion of reporting to the Emperor that the revenue of 
Mexico was now ample to support the government and 
leave a surplus for the payment of the foreign liabili- 
ties. 

Mexico does not enjoy the blessing of " greenbacks," 
or national bank-notes thirty-seven cents below par ; 
nor do the Mexicans have the luxury of a fractional 
currency. They are obliged to content themselves 
with the old-fashioned gold and silver coins as a cir- 
culating medium. Maximilian has kept the mints 
busy ever since his accession ; and in the spring of 
1866 he began to coin the new gold and silver pieces 



120 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

that are now in circulation. The new silver dollar, 
and the twenty dollar gold coin, are both beautiful 
specimens of coinage, bearing on one side the head of 
the Emperor, and on the other the time-honored 
Mexican sentiment, " God and Liberty." 

During the first journeys which the Emperor and 
Empress took, in various parts of Mexico, they were 
impressed with the fact that the cause of education 
throughout the country needed great encouragement. 
That encouragement they have afforded in the most 
liberal and munificent manner. Schools and acade- 
mies have been everywhere established, even in such 
remote States as Yucatan, and liberal provision has 
been m.ade for their support ; and all the colleges in 
Mexico have received large endowments from the im- 
perial purse. A letter from Mexico, in April, 1866, 
says: 

"Liberality op the Emperor and Empress. 

" Their majesties expended a large portion of their 
yearly salary — ^five hundred thousand dollars — in works 
of charity, donations to schools and benevolent institu- 
tions, and works of public improvement. The Alameda 
of this city, one year since, was a disgrace to any coun- 
try village, being nothing more than a few dilapidated 
fountains in an ugly, gnarled wood, destitute of a single 
ornament or walk that was safe for a foot passenger 
The Empress determined to remedy this, and ordered 
the grounds to be put in complete order, pliyiug the 



MEXICO UXDIP. MAXIMILIAN. 121 

expenses out of her private purse. The fouutains have 
been repaired, the pavements relaid, trees pruned and 
trimmed, and the entire ground decorated with plants, 
flowers, and trees, until a more lovely silvan spot can 
scarce be imagined. Thousands of citizens resort here 
ever}^ morning for health or recreation, and what was a 
few months since carefully avoided has become the 
fashionable promenade and morning drive for all classes 
of Mexicans. The Plaza which, three months since, 
was merely a bare paved square, destitute of ornament, 
is fast assuming a new aspect. The whole pavement 
has been taken up, new walks laid, the spaces between 
the walks filled with trees, flowers, and shrubbery, foun- 
tains erected, and in the centre is to be placed a group 
of statuary, representing the leading spirits of the Mex- 
ican revolution — all the design and work of Mexican 
artists." 

In order to afford encouragement and give an im- 
pulse to dramatic art, the Emperor has commenced 
the erection of a superb theatre, and lias offered two 
prizes, of two thousand dollars each; for the best 
tragedy and comedy. He is truly a man of noble 
impulses, and has the good of his people at heart. 
His ambition is to make Mexico a power upon the 
Western continent second only to the United States, 
and to leave behind him the name of a human bene- 
factor. 

The Catholic religion is the religion of the State, 
but all religions are tolerated. Every one in Mexico 



122 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

can freely worship Grod according to the dictates of his 
own conscience. The Episcopalian, the Presbyterian^ 
and the Methodist is equally protected in the enjoy- 
ment of his religion with the Catholic ; and the minis- 
ters there are not required to take " test oaths" before 
they can preach the gospel. 

The administration of justice throughout the em- 
pire is provided for by the Emperor with peculiar 
care. The judges of the courts are required to be 
men learned in the law, experienced in the manage- 
ment of causes, and of unblemished integrity. Where- 
ever the authority of the empire extends, justice be- 
tween man and man is speedily administered, and no 
man's cause is delayed. Such a state of things has 
heretofore been unknown in Mexico, under any repub- 
lican government. 

Every encouragement has been afforded by the 
Emperor to the great work of the codification and sys- 
tematic arrangement of the Mexican laws. This work 
has been accomplished by a board of the most learned 
Mexican lawyers, and is now complete. The entire 
code forms a body often large octavo volumes, which 
have recently been printed, published, and bound, in 
the city of Mexico. The paper, typography, and bind- 
ing of these volumes are in the first style of art, and 
would do credit to any publishing house in New 
York or Philadelphia. This code of laws embraces 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 123 

first, all the Mexican laws of a public and general 
nature, which were in force at the time when the pre- 
sent government was established ; and second, those 
that have been subsequently enacted by the authority 
of the imperial government. The whole body of laws 
is said to be based upon the plan of the Code Napo- 
leon, and to possess many of the merits of that incom- 
parable work. 

There is a deep significance in the emission of these 
handsome volumes. They represent the energy and 
intellect which Maximilian has infused into the ad- 
ministration of the laws of Mexico. These decrees and 
laws, particularly those enacted during the last two 
^years, are replete with the wise forethought |ind intel- 
ligent progress of the empire. And they are not 
merely laws on paper. They have been put in execu- 
tion, and their good effects have been felt in every 
department of the government, and reach to every 
Mexican State. Everything, it would seem, has been 
remodelled by these laws, and placed upon a better 
basis. A¥hoever would know the spirit and stamina 
of the imperial government, should consult these vol- 
umes. Their contents embrace every subject, and 
reveal the industry, the tact, and the remarkable abil- 
ity of their author ; for the Emperor Maximilian is 
the originator of nearly every one of the recent laws. 
Here may be found the organic law of the empire, to 



124 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

the strict observance of wliicli Maximilian has pledged 
himself* 

While upon the subject of book publications, it 
may be stated that this is a branch of business that 
has grown up entirely during the last three years. 
There are two houses in the city of Mexico that have 
found encouragement enough to Avarrant them in pub- 
lishing school-books and literary works to a consider- 
able extent. Among their recent publications are the 
complete works of the celebrated Spanish author, 
Gonzales ; among them, " El Pastero de Madriga," and 
" Lucrezia Borgia." Also an excellent translation, in 
Spanish, by a Mexican gentleman, of Victor Hugo's 
" Travailleurs de la Mer," under the title of "Los 
Trabajadores de la Mar," which is a little nearer the 
original than " Toilers of the Sea." 

Allusion has heretofore been made to the very great 
assistance which Maximilian has derived from the de- 
voted and zealous co-operation of his wife, the Empress 
Carlotta. This admirable lady, tenderly nurtured, and 
accustomed all her life to the perfumed air of courts 
and the luxuries of royalty, devoted -herself at once, 
with all the energy of her nature, to the great work in 
which her honored husband was engaged. She accom- 
panied him everywhere; saw with her own eyes the 
wants of the people ; alleviated suffering and distress 

* Letter to "New York News." 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 125 

wherever she encountered it ; encouraged industry by 
lier smiles ; stimulated the children and youth to 
assiduity in their studies by her frequent presence in 
the school-houses ; and quickened the genius of Mex- 
ican artists and men of letters, by her munificent re- 
wards for their works. 

In November, 1865, she undertook a journey to the 
distant State of Yucatan, that the people there might 
see that their welfare was not overlooked by the Em- 
peror. Everywhere she was received with the most 
enthusiastic expressions of the love and devotion of 
the people. 

While at Merida her majesty donated the following 
sums : two thousand five hundred dollars for the estab- 
lishment of a free school for girls in that city ; three 
thousand dollars to the general hospital ; three thou- 
sand dollars to be distributed among the poor, in 
especial to such as had suffered by the Avar of castes ; 
one thousand dollars toward completing the work on 
the cathedral, and smaller sums to various religious 
orders. 

On the 1st of December, the Empress visited the 
Agricultural and Industrial Exhibition, and the fol- 
lowing day she was present at tlie benediction and 
inauguration of the '' Constancia" cotton spinning 
establishment. 

Her majesty left Merida on the morning of Decem- 
ber 4:th, for the city of Campeche, passing through 



126 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

Uxmal. A large number of the young men of Merida 
volunteered to attend the Empress as far as the limits 
of the department as a guard of honor. 

A letter from Merida, the capital of Yucatan, thus 
describes the reception of the Empress at that ancient 
city : 

" Her majesty was elegantly but simply attired, wear- 
ing a white dress trimmed with light blue, her noble 
head being covered with a graceful little hat, also se-t 
off with blue. Not a gem or jewel was to be seen upon 
her graceful person. At the back of her head, beneath 
the little hat, her well combed auburn hair was noticeable. 

"After receiving the congratulations of the delegations 
mentioned, her majesty advanced into the city, in the 
midst of the liveliest acclamations, the cortege being- 
swelled by various deputations and b3' a large num- 
ber of distinguished persons following in sumptuous 
carriages of various colors. 

" It would take much space to describe the order of 
the carriages in the procession, the innumerable shouts 
of welcome resounding in the air, and the cordial greet- 
ings uttered by the dense multitude, right and left, 
during the passing of the imperial cortege at a foot pace 
from the first triumphal arch to the Plaza de Jesas. 

" There her majesty alighted from her carriage, and 
was received by another delegation of ladies and an 
angelic bevy of little children. 

" While passing by the Government Palace a shower 
of natural and artificial flowers, of ribbons, bearing 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 127 

appropriate mottoes, and of strips of paper printed 
with verses, almost inundated our august Empress. , 

" From the base of the arch to the main entrance to 
the cathedral her majesty passed between a double line 
formed by the chief local authorities, presided over by 
the Political Prefect, Senor Don Jose Garcia Morales. 

"His Excellency Don Jose Salazar Harrequi, the 
Imperial Commissioner, and General Severo del Cas- 
tillo, commanding the Seventh provincial division, 
accompanied her majesty, together with the other 
persons of the court in her suite. 

" The military were dressed in full uniform. 

"At about eleven o'clock her majesty was received 
upon the steps of the porch of the temple by the 
apostolic administrator of the diocese, Dr. Leandro 
Rodriguez de la Salu, the venerable ecclesiastical 
chapter, and all the clergy of the capital, in their 
splendid vestments, preceded by the Cross and a 
number of wax tapers. 

" Kneeling upon a crimson velvet cushion bordered 
with gold fringe and placed upon a rich carpet, her 
majesty kissed the holy crucifix presented to her and 
entered 'the edifice under a canopy, the poles support- 
ing which were borne by the judges of the Superior 
Court and the members of the government council of 
the district. Upon entering the precincts of the temple 
her majesty devoutly received the holy water oflTered 
her. 

" In the chancel a rich canopy was prepared, and 
after the prayers customary upon the reception of 



128 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMTLTAN". 

sovereigns and a chant accompanied by the solemn 
music of the organ, worship was offered to Him through 
whose will all sovereigns reign, during which the Em- 
press remained kneeling in a most devout attitude, * 

" Thereafter a solemn Te Deum, expressly composed 
for the occasion, was performed. 

" The vast cathedral was filled with a numerous as- 
semblage, comprising persons belonging to the highest 
as well as the lowest degrees of society, collected to- 
gether to bless and welcome our august sovereign. 

" Upon the conclusion of the religious ceremonies 
her majesty proceeded on foot (dismissing the carriage 
which awaited her at the foot of the steps) to the resi- 
dence placed at her disposal — one of the most elegant 
and capacious mansions in the city. 
^. " Shortly after noon her majesty reached her quar- 
ters, where she was greeted with another shower of 
flowers, ribbons and verses, accompanied by the ex- 
quisite music of a military band and the joyful shouts 
of thousands of both sexes. 

"A just tribute to her merit, virtue, beauty and 
goodness of heart. 

" Shortly afterward her majesty received "the con- 
gratulations of the officials of the district, in an apart- 
ment specially arranged for the purpose, after which a 
large number of ladies, military and civil officers and 
citizens paid their respects to the Empress. 

" In reply to the congratulatory address delivered by 
the Political Prefect, her majesty, after appearing on 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 129 

the balconj^ of her apartments at the clamorous request 
of the multitude without, expressed herself as follows : — 

" ' We have long wished to visit you in order to study 
your necessities and learn your desires. The Emperor 
being prevented from effecting this important object, 
has sent me to you to present to you his cordial 
greetings. 

" ' I assure j^ou from my heart that he deeply regrets 
that he cannot be here with me, to tell you how great 
is his affection toward you. He will regret it still 
more when I inform him of the enthusiastic reception 
you have given me. He desires, and by all means will 
endeavor to secure, the prosperity and happiness of the 
people of Yucatan.' " 

"We shall soon see the Empress discharging a 
mission, of still greater importance, for the welfare of 
Mexico. 



9 



130 MEXICO UNDER MASIMILTAN. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Arms and Ammunition Shipped to the Mexican Liberals from New York 
— The Steamer Everman — Attempts of the Radicals in Congress to Loan 
Thirty Millions of Government Funds to Juarez — Measures Taken by- 
Maximilian to Supply the Place of the French Troops — The Emperor 
Anticipates Intervention by the United States in Favor of Juarez — 
Mission of the Empress Carlotta to Europe — Sickness of the Empress — 
Embarrassing Situation of Affairs in Mexico — Outrages of the Mexican 
Liberals — Sickness of the Emperor — He Eetires to Orizaba — The Sher- 
man and Campbell Mission to Mexico — Mr. Campbell's Instructions — 
Utter Failure of the Mission — Results of the Mission — It Demonstrated 
the Attachment of the Mexican People to Maximilian — The Question of 
Abdication Presented to Maximilian — He Refuses to Abdicate — Generous 
Conduct of the Clergy and Merchants — Encouraging Prospects of the 
Empire. 

The objection that is most easily and most fre- 
quently raised against the government of Maximilian, 
is, that it has not yet succeeded in conquering the 
prejudices of all the Mexicans, and that the republi- 
cans in Mexico still keep troops in the field, and even 
gain some victories over the imperial troops. This is 
true, to some extent ; and the explanation of the fact 
is by no means creditable to the United States. These 
"liberal successes" have all taken place during the 
last few months, and are the result of direct interfer- 
ence in behalf of Juarez on the part of citizens of 



MEXICO UNDEB MAXIMILIAN. 131 

the United States. Armed expeditions were fitted 
out in New York, and cargo after cargo of arms and 
ammunition was sent to Mexico. It is believed that 
one of these expeditions was under the command of 
a major-general late of the United States army, whose 
gallant and intrepid conduct, and admirable dispo- 
sitions at Monocacy, saved Washington from capture 
by the Confederates, and who is now understood to 
be following the fortunes of Juarez. 

But it is not material aid, alone, that the Juarists 
have derived from the United States. During the 
first session of the thirty-ninth Congress, beginning 
in December, 1865, persistent and strenuous efforts 
were made by Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, Mr. Schenck, 
and other leading radical republicans, to induce Con- 
gress to appropriate thirty millions of dollars for the 
cause of the Mexican republic — or, in other words, 
to authorize the government to endorse certain Jua- 
rist bonds to that amount. These bonds were utterly 
worthless, and the endorser, of course, would be 
called upon to pay them. The scheme never received 
the approval of Congress. But its agitation, both in 
Congress and in the newspapers of the north, served 
the purpose for which the friends of the Juarists 
had introduced it. Juarez himself, and his followers 
in Mexico, are thus encouraged to hope that the Uni- 
ted States government will, at some period not very 
distant, intervene in their behalf, and by actual armed 



132 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

interposition, as well as bj the advances of large 
sums of money, assist them in overthrowing the pre- 
sent government of Mexico, and in re-establishing 
the republic. These hopes have been greatly cher- 
ished and strengthened, 1st, by the extraordinary 
conduct of General Sheridan on the Eio Grrande, in 
the interests of Juarez : and 2d, by the recent 
mission of General Sherman and Mr. Campbell to 
Vera Cruz, Stimulated by the hopes thus afforded, 
Juarez and his of3S.cers have succeeded in keeping 
in the field a force of a few thousand men, with 
whom the recent "liberal successes" have been 
achieved. These men are the most reckless and 
desperate characters that can be found in Mexi- 
co ; robbers, thieves, murderers and assassins. Al- 
most every paper that comes from Mexico, is filled 
with the records of their atrocities. They are allowed 
the utmost license to plunder the inhabitants, and 
whenever they capture a town or village, it is given 
up to their unlicensed rapacity. The outrages which 
they thus committed at Hermosillo, a few months 
since, are already fresh in the public mind. Such 
are the "soldiers of the republic," in behalf of whom 
the sympathies of the American people are invoked. 
In the early part of the year 1866, the Emperor 
Maximilian was made aware of the determination of 
the French government to withdraw the French 
troops from Mexico during the course of the year 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 133 

1867. This event, however, had been anticipated 
by Maximilian, and already measures were in pro- 
gress by which the Emperor hoped to supply the 
places of the French troops by an army which should 
be essentially Mexican — a national Mexican army. 
The arrangements for the organization of this army 
proceeded during the whole of the year 1866. By tHe 
end of -that year there were organized into regiments 
twenty-six thousand native Mexicans, all good soldiers, 
well disciplined, and acquainted with military life and 
duties. These were divided into four divisions, and 
each division placed under the command of a compe- 
tent general. The principal officers of the regiments 
were for the most part Frenchmen and Austrians ; but 
in the grade of captains and lieutenants there were 
many Mexican gentlemen. Although the French 
army, as an organization, was to be withdrawn, yet the 
Emperor Napoleon had given permission to all the 
officers and men who chose to do so, to volunteer and 
enter the Mexican army, and np to the end of the 
year 1866, about eight thousand men had signified 
their intention to do so : so that Maximilian counted 
upon having an effective army of thirty-five thousand 
men, ready to take the field by the spring of 1867, if 
the French troops should be withdrawn as soon as that. 
It became a very serious question, however, whether 
the Mexican government could maintain itself, after 
the departure of the French army. There was no 



134 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

doubt of the efficiency of tlie newly organized Mexi- 
can army ; tliere was no doubt of the attachment of 
the great body of the Mexican people to Maximilian 
and his government. If left alone, without interfer- 
ence from abroad, there was no doubt that the govern- 
ment could maintain itself without serious difficulty. 
But there was too much reason to fear that interfer- 
ence on the part of the United States was to be ex- 
pected, as soon as the French troops should have left 
Mexico. The Emperor Napoleon had, indeed*, before 
he had made the final arrangements for the withdraw- 
al of the French troops from Mexico, inquired of the 
United States government whether, in case of such 
withdrawal, neutrality on the part of the latter, to- 
ward Mexico, would be observed : and Mr. Seward, 
Secretary of State, had replied in plain words, that, in 
case the French troops should be withdrawn from 
Mexico, the United States would observe absolute neu- 
trality toward that country, and would allow the Mexi- 
can people to settle for themselves, the form of their 
government. But the Emperor Maximilian placed very 
little reliance upon this promise ; and he anticipated 
that active interference on the part of the United 
States, in favor of the Juarist faction, might be ex- 
pected the moment after the French army should 
have embarked. The event showed that these antici- 
pations were well founded. 

There were other weighty questions connected with 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 135 

the future stability of the empire, that gave Maximil- 
ian much concern ; and it was finally agreed, in the 
summer of 1866, that the Empress Carlotta should 
herself proceed to Europe, in order that, by personal 
interviews with the Emperor of France and the Em- 
peror of Austria, these questions might be placed upon 
a basis of satisfactory settlement. This journey was 
accordingly undertaken. The Empress embarked on 
board the French mail steamer " Empress Eugenia," 
on the 13th of July, and in due time reached Paris, 
In the course of three months, the main objects of her 
mission to Europe had been successfully accomplished. 
Her last letter to the Emperor Maximilian stated in 
substance, that although every thing they had hoped 
for had not been gained, yet that the results that she 
had accomplished were quite sufficient to compensate 
her for all that she had undergone since she had left 
Mexico. 

The fatigues of the voyage, however, in the hot 
summer, and the excessive labors which she felt it 
necessary to impose upon herself, were too much for 
the delicate organization of the Empress. She bore 
up under her sufferings with extraordinary fortitude, 
as long as any portion of the work, to which she had 
devoted herself, remained undone. But when she had 
accomplished her task, her energies gave way, and 
she was prostrated by a severe attack of sickness. In 
spite of all the care of her relatives and friends, this 



136 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

illness rapidly assumed an alarming character^ and 
finally developed itself in brain fever of tlie most dan- 
gerous type. The Mgliest medical talent in Europe 
was at once placed at lier service, but for many weeks 
her life was' despaired of. A merciful Providence 
however, watched over her, and at last her health was 
entirely restored. 

In the meantime the situation in Mexico was 
becoming every month more embarrassing. In pur- 
suance of the agreement made between the French 
government and the United States, the actual arrange- 
ments in Mexico, for the evacuation of Mexico by 
the French troops, were steadily progressing. Large 
bodies of French troops were withdrawn from distant 
points in the north and west of Mexico, and were 
concentrated at the capital, preparatory to marching 
to Yera Cruz, the point of embarkation. This left 
the States of Sonora, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Durango, 
Coahuila, and part of New Leon, exposed to the 
incursions of the republican forces, whose ranks were 
in many cases augmented by bands of guerillas who 
joined them for the sake of the plunder of towns and 
villages. It would require a volume to relate the 
atrocities committed by these republican troops, at 
Hermosillo, at Ures, at Lajunta, at Sinoloa at Cosala, 
at Matamoras, at Mazatlan, and at dozens of smaller 
towns. Scarcely had the French troops been with- 
drawn from any place, before it would be entered by 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 137 

these Juarist troops, who, after first levying a forced 
contribution on the inhabitants, would then proceed 
to rob and plunder indiscriminately, and too often 
would indulge in outrages too gross for description. 

It was at this critical juncture that the health of the 
Emperor gave way. His labors, for months past, ha;d 
been excessive. His anxieties for the State had been 
very great. And now, when he most needed the 
presence and smiles of his beloved wife, came the 
crushing news of her dangerous illness. His first 
impulse, as a man and a husband, was to fly to her 
side. But when he understood the nature of her dis- 
tressing malady, and that absolute quiet was essential 
to her recovery, he abandoned that idea. And this 
he did the more willingly, as he had full confidence 
in the skilful physicians by whom the Empress was 
attended ; a confidence which the event has proved, 
was well founded. On the other hand, his duties as a 
sovereign, and the critical nature of the situation, ab- 
solutely required that he should remain in Mexico, 
at whatever sacrifice of his personal feelings. He 
bent all his energies, therefore, to the task before 
him. But his anxieties, his labors, and his cares, 
were too much even for the strongest constitution, 
and in October he was prostrated by a severe attack 
of fever. In November, when he had partially recov- 
ered, but while he was still very weak, he left the 
capital for a few days, and retired to Orizaba, where 



138 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 

tlie air is pure and bracing, and wliere, the physi- 
cians thouglit, lie might most speedily recover his 
strength. It was while he was at Orizaba, that the 
United States steamer Susquehanna arrived off Vera 
Cruz, with General Sherman and Mr. Campbell on 
board ; and their mission to Mexico must now be 
explained. 

The sending of Greneral Sherman and Mr. Camp- 
bell to Vera Cruz, was unquestionably one of the 
greatest blunders in the history of modern diplomacy. 
Nothing was accomplished by the extraordinary step, 
except to place the United States in a ridiculous atti- 
tude before the world. The objects which Mr. Sew- 
ard seems to have had in view were, 1st, to afford 
direct aid and encouragement to the Juarist party, 
which, of itself, would have been in violation of our 
pledge of neutrality ; and, 2d, that General Sherman's 
presence at Vera Cruz might overawe the French 
officers in command, and cause them to hasten the 
embarkation of the French troops, under the guns of 
the frigate Susquehanna. The event shows that Gen- 
eral Sherman's presence at Vera Cruz had just the 
contrary effect. 

General Sherman and Mr. Campbell were sent to 
Vera Cruz under a misapprehension of existing facts 
which seems almost incredible. The situation in 
Mexico must have been perfectly well known to Mr. 
Seward, and yet his action seems to have been based 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 139 

upon two delusions : 1st, that General Sherman's 
preseDce at Yera Cruz would scare away the French; 
and 2d, that the empire and the present government 
of Mexico would fall, and the republic be restored in 
Mexico, immediately on the departure of the French 
troops. 

Mr. Seward's instructions to Mr. Campbell were as 
follow : 

" Department of State, \ 
"Washington, Oct. 20, 1866.) 

" Sir. — You are aware that a friendly and explicit ar- 
rangement exists between this government and the Em- 
peror of France, to the effect that he will withdraw his 
expeditionary military forces from Mexico in three 
parts — the first of which shall leave Mexico in Novem- 
ber next, the second in March next and the third in 
November, 186*7, and that upon the evacuation being 
thus completed the French Government will immediate- 
ly come upon the ground of non-intervention in regard 
to Mexico which is held by the United States. Doubts 
have been entertained and expressed in some quarters 
- upon the question whether the French government will 
faithfully execute this agreement. No such doubts 
have been entertained by the President, who has had 
repeated and even recent assurances that the complete 
evacuation of Mexico by the French will be consum- 
mated at the periods mentioned, or earlier if compatible 
with climatical, military and other conditions. There 
are grounds for supposing that two incidental ques- 



140 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

tions have already engaged the attention of the French 
government — namely, first, whether it shonld not ad- 
vise the departure of the Prince Maximilian for Austria 
to be made before the withdrawal of the French expedi- 
tion ; second, whether it would not be consistent with 
the climatical, military and other conditions before 
mentioned, to withdraw the whole expeditionary force at 
once, instead of retiring it in three separate instal- 
ments, and at different periods. No formal communi- 
cation, however, upon this subject has been made by 
the Emperor Napoleon to the government of the United 
States. When the subject has been incidentally men- 
tioned, this department, by direction of the President, 
has replied that the United States await the execution 
of the agreement for the evacuation by the government 
of France at least according to its letter, while they 
would be gratified if that agreement could be executed 
with greater promptness and dispatch than are stipu- 
lated. Under these circumstances the President ex- 
pects that within the next month (November) a portion 
at least of the French expeditionary force will retire 
from Mexico, and he thinks it not improbable that the 
whole expeditionary force may be withdrawn at or 
about the same time. Such an event cannot fail to pro- 
duce a crisis of great political interest in the republic 
of Mexico. It is important that you should be either 
within the territories of that republic or in some place 
near at hand, so as to assume the exercise of your func- 
tions as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States 
to the republic of Mexico. What may be the proceed- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 141 

iiigs of the Prince Maximilian in the event of a partial 
or complete evacuation of Mexico, of course cannot 
now be certainly foreseen. What may be the proceed- 
ings of Mr. Juarez, the President of the republic of 
Mexico, in the same event, cannot now be definitely 
anticipated. We are aware of the existence of several 
political parties in Mexico other than those at the head 
of which are President Juarez and Prince Maximilian, 
who entertain conflicting views concerning the most ex- 
pedient and proper mode of restoring peace, order, and 
civil government in that republic. We do not know 
what may be the proceedings of those parties in the 
event of the French evacuation. Finally, it is impos- 
sible for us to foresee what may be the proceedings of 
the Mexican people in case of the happening of the 
events before alluded to. For these reasons it is im- 
possible to give you specific directions for the conduct 
of your proceedings in the discharge of the high trust 
which the government of the United States has con- 
fided to you. Much must be left to your own discre- 
tion, which is to be exercised according to the view you 
may take of political movements as they shall disclose 
themselves in the future. There are, however, some 
principles which, as we think, may be safely laid down 
in regard to the policy which the government of the 
United States wiU expect you to pursue. The first of 
these is that, as a representative of the United States, 
you are accredited to the republican government of 
Mexico, of which Mr. Juarez is President. Your com- 
munications as such representative will be made to him, 



142 MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

Wheresoever lie may be, and in no event will you offi- 
cially recognize either the Prince Maximilian, who 
claims to be Emperor, or any other person, chief, or 
combination, as exercising the executive aiithority in 
Mexico,. without having first reported to this depart- 
ment, and received instructions from the President 
of the United States. Secondly, assuming that the 
French military and naval commanders shall be en- 
gaged in good faith in executing the agreement before 
mentioned for the evacuation of Mexico, the spirit of 
the engagement on our part in relation to that event 
will forbid the United States and their representative 
from obstructing or embarrassing the departure of the 
French. Thirdly, what the government of the United 
States desires in regard to the future of Mexico is not 
the conquest of Mexico, or any part of it, or the aggran- 
dizement of the United States by purchases of land or 
dominion, but, on the other hand, they desire to see the 
people of Mexico relieved from all foreign military in- 
tervention, to the end that they may resume the con^ 
duct of their own affairs under the existing republican 
government, or such other form of government as, 
being left in the enjoyment of perfect liberty, they 
shall determine to adopt in the exercise of their own 
free will, by their own act, without dictation from any 
foreign country, and of course without dictation from 
the United States. It results, as a consequence from 
these principles, that you will enter into no stipulation 
with the French commanders, or with the Prince Maxi- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 143 

milian, or with any other part}', which shall have a ten- 
dency to counteract or oppose the administration of 
President Juarez, or to hinder or delay the restoration 
of the authority of the republic. On the other hand, 
it ma}" possibly happen that the President of the repub- 
lic of Mexico may desire the good oflSces of the United 
States, or even some effective proceedings on our part, 
to favor and advance the pacification of a country so 
long distracted by foreign combined with civil war, and 
thus gain time for the re-establishment of national au- 
thority upon principles consistent with a republican and 
domestic system of government. It is possible, more- 
over, that some disposition might be made of the land 
and naval forces of the United States without interfer- 
ing within the jurisdiction of Mexico, or violating the 
laws of neutrality, which would be useful in favoring 
the restoration of law, order, and republican govern- 
ment in that country. You are authorized to confer 
upon this subject with the republican government of 
Mexico and its agents, and also to confer informally, if 
3^ou find it necessar}", with any other parties or agents, 
should such an exceptional conference become absolute- 
ly necessary, but not otherwise. You will by these 
means obtain information which will be important to 
this government, and such information you will convey 
to this department, with your suggestions and advice 
as to any proceedings on our part which can be adopted 
in conformity with the principles I have before laid 
down. You will be content with thus referring any im- 



144 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

portant propositions on the subject of reorganization 
and restoration of the republican government in Mex- 
i«o as may arise to this department, for the information 
of the President. The Lieutenant-General of the 
United States possesses already discretionary author- 
ity as to the location of the forces of the United States 
in the vicinity of Mexico. His military experience will 
enable him to advise you concerning such questions as 
may arise during the transition stage of Mexico from a 
state of military siege by a foreign enemy to a condi- 
tion of practical self-government. At the same time it 
will be in his power, being near the scene of action, to 
issue any orders which may be expedient or necessary 
for maintaining the obligations resting upon the United 
States in regard to proceedings upon the borders of 
Mexico. For these reasons he has been requested and 
instructed by the President to proceed with j^ou to 
your destination, and act with j^ou as an adviser, re- 
cognized by this department, in regard to the matters 
which have been herein discussed. After conferring 
with him, you are at liberty to proceed to the City of 
Chihuahua, or to such other place in Mexico as may be 
the residence of President Juarez ; or, in 3^our discre- 
tion, you will proceed to any other place in Mexico not 
held or occupied at the time of your arrival by enemies 
of the republic of Mexico ; or you will stop at any 
place in the United States or elsewhere, near the fron- 
tier or coast of Mexico ; and await there a time to 
enter any portion of Mexico which shall hereafter be 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 145 

in the occupation of the republican government of 
Mexico. 

" I am, sir, j^our ohedient servant, 

"WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

" Lewis D. Campbell, etc." 

In pursuance of these instructions, General Sher- 
man and Mr. Campbell sailed from New York about 
tlie 10th of November, and after spending a few days 
at Havana, in order to learn some reliable news of 
the real condition of affairs in Mexico, arrived off 
Yera Cruz on the evening of the 29th. The vessel 
remained there until the midnight following, Sunday, 
December 2, when she sailed away under cover of the 
darkness of the night, and thus ended the Sherman 
and Campbell mission to Mexico. Mr. Campbell 
found the situation in Mexico to be such that he 
could not carry out his instructions. General Sher- 
man found that if he had been sent there to watch 
the embarkation of the French, some months must 
elapse before he could enjoy that pleasing spectacle. 
The Susquehanna therefore made the best of her way 
to New Orleans, where she arrived about the 8th of 
December, touching at Tampico and Matamoras on 
the way. 

A well-informed correspondent of the " New York 
Herald," writing from Washington, gives the follow 
ing facts in relation to the affair : — 
10 



146 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

"Mexican advices state that the abortive Susque- 
hanna expedition has proved a positive injury to the 
Juarez government. The Mexicans are in nothing so 
consistent as in their jealous hatred of all foreigners. 
Had Sherman and Campbell succeeded in reaching 
Juarez, it is doubtful whether their presence in the re- 
publican seat of government under existing circum- 
stances would not have been more a source of weakness 
than of strength to the Mexican President. As it is, 
their failure to do any thing at all has cast ridicule 
upon the United States ; has drawn upon Juarez the 
suspicion of trafficking with the foreigner, and has given 
the cause of Ortega, who is looked upon as the anti- 
American candidate for the presidency, an impetus 
■which would otherwise have been wanting. Minister 
Campbell is understood to complain that Juarez made 
no effort to communicate with the embassy, and rather 
thwarted than aided their feeble attempts to communi- 
cate with him. Juarez probably had a deep meaning 
in holding aloof from emissaries who came without 
power to afford him actual assistance, and whose pres- 
ence at his head-quarters would compromise him with 
his countrymen. 

" There are some piquant little facts connected with 
the expedition which have never yet been told. Sher- 
man and Campbell pulled together from the start like 
a baulky team. Each had separate instructions, and 
each claimed to rank the other. On the arrival of the 
Susquehanna at Yera Cruz, Sherman, it seems, was for 
accepting Bazaine's invitation and going straight to 



MEXICO UND1*R MAXIMILIAN. 147 

Mexico city. Campbell strongly opposed the sugges- 
tion on tlie ground that he was accredited to Juarez 
only, and had nothing to do with Bazaine, Castelnau, 
or any one outside the republic of Mexico. This argu- 
ment at last prevailed ; but not till after a somewhat 
stormy discussion, in the course of which personal allu- 
sions to kid-gloved aides-de-camp and legation secreta- 
ries presumed to be " on the make" had been pretty 
freely interchanged. The breach thus occasioned was 
never healed, and culminated at Matamoras in Sherman 
returning to New Orleans by the Susquehanna and 
Campbell by private steamer. Sherman took up his 
quarters with Sheridan in New Orleans, and Campbell 
buried himself in the fourth story of an indifferent hotel, 
each speaking contemptuously of the other and giving 
a contradictory account of the expedition." 

There is no doubt of tlie substantial correctness of 
tbis statement. The " Herald" itself, in speaking of 
it, says : — 

" The Campbell-Sherman Mission — Maximilian 
says he avill die where he is. 

" Our Washington despatches give us the latest ac- 
count of the inside history of the late Sherman-Campbell 
mission to Mexico, which is so interesting as to merit 
a few words from us. Two prominent facts are revealed 
■ — one, that the mission did not do the work intended 
for it ;* and the other, that Juarez made no attempt to 

* The " Herald" adds here, " because the elements composmg 
it were inharmonious," — which was not the cause of its failure. 



148 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

hold any communication with the members of that 
commission because he feared to arouse tlie jealous 
susceptibility of his countrymen. The case, then, thus 
stated, presents a rather unexpected aspect; for, put- 
ting aside for a moment the nnchemical compound 
known as the Campbell-Sherman mission, we ai'e in- 
formed in plain terms that the Mexican people fear any 
action our government may take toward restoring the 
republican form of government among them from a 
deep-rooted conviction that we are impelled thereto by 
interested motives. Direct allusion to this was made 
by Juarez in his speech at Chihuahua, when he ex- 
pressed a hope that the United States does not think 
of annexing any portion of Mexican territory. We 
have repeatedly disclaimed any such intention, but it is 
very doubtful if our declarations have had the slightest 
effect toward removing the deep distrust entertained of 
us in Mexico. The greater the pity, therefore, that the 
Campbell-Sherman mission exploded as it did. That 
commission not only covered itself with ridicule and 
threw discredit on the United States government in the 
eyes of the Mexicans, but an opportunity was lost for 
removing the delusion which that entire nation persists 
in adhering to. Minister Campbell may or may not 
have been the proper person for the business. We are 
strongl}^ inclined to think he was totally unfit. General 
Sherman may or may not have been the right man ; but 
one thing is xevy plain — that each considered himself 
the head of the mission, and, as is the case in all unnatu- 



MEXICO UXDER MAXIMILIAX. 149 

ral things with two heads, the thing was a monster and 
died after a brief, unhealtliy existence. 

" Another curions feature in our latest Mexican news 
is the reported conversation between General Castelnau 
and Maximilian, wherein the former is said to have 
urged an abdication, while the latter announced his 
determination to remain where he is till he dies." 

But what was the effect of this mission in Mexico? 
The New Orleans "Picayune," of December 13^ says: — ■ 

" The news which we publish this afternoon puts an 
entirely new light upon affairs in Mexico. It would 
seem that the alliance between Juarez and the United 
States, the reported sale of Mexican territory, move- 
ments on the border and expedition of the Susque^^ 
hannah, with General Sherman and Minister Campbell 
to Mexican waters, have frightened the Mexicans into 
their usual liberality, when the integrity of their 
countiy is feared. The church, always the first to 
move, have placed $25,000,000 at the disposal of the 
Emperor, and the merchants have promised to give him 
$10,000,000 annually, provided he will remain. To this 
proposition he assented, immediately issued his procla- 
mation accordingly, and the empire is, for the time 
being, re-established." 

" This has given great joy throughout the country. 
Church bells were rung, bonfires lighted, and a large 
mass of the people went into ecstacies of joy. A new 
impulse was at once given also to works of internal im- 
provement, railroads, telegraphs, etc." 



150 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

The fact is, on recovering from his sickness, the 
Emperor Maximilian found that the dif&culties sur- 
rounding him were very great; but, on a candid 
consideration of them, he did not deem them insuper- 
able. General Castelnau, who had recently arrived 
from Paris, presented to him the alternative of abdica- 
tion : but this proposal did not commend itself to the 
Emperor with any degree of favor. After having 
devoted all the energies of his" life, for three years, to 
the great work of making of Mexico a happy and 
prosperous country, Maximilian did not think that 
this was the time to abandon all that he had done, 
and to leave the country to anarchy. He convoked 
the council of ministers therefore, and after laying 
before them a candid statement of the difficulties of 
the situation, he desired their frank opinion, whether 
there was any existing reason, why he ought to abdi- 
cate ? Their unanimous feply was, that by all means 
he. ought to remain at the head of the government. 
As this fully coincided with his own views, there was 
no further question about the matter, and the follow- 
ing proclamations were at once issued : — 



" Proclamation of the Prefect op Yera Cruz 
Vera Cruz, Dec. 1, 1866 



;} 



Viva el Eniperio! Viva el Emperador ! Vera Cruz- 
anos ! One of the greatest events for the good Mexi- 
cans has happened to give renewed life to the nation. 
His majesty the Emperor, who has made so many 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 151 

sacrifices for the well being and happiness of onr dear 
counky, has given the final proof of his consideration' 
for our welfare while agitated by those- natural senti- 
ments which struggled in his breast. In consequence 
of the affliction of his august and noble spouse, our 
lovely sovereign, it was for a moment feared that he 
would temporarily quit the country to dedicate his 
whole time to the rendering of those attentions, which 
the delicate state of health of his worthy consort 
rendered necessary. But the Emperor has sacrificed 
all for us, has put aside his duties as a man for those 
which concern his house as a ruler, and in the momen- 
tous crisis now overhanging the country declares 
solemnly his intention of continuing in the front, even 
to the extent of shedding the last drop of his blood in 
the defence of the nation. Citizens of Vera Cruz, we 
congratulate you. Let us give thanks to Providence 
for having saved the integrity of our country, and from 
the inmost recesses of our hearts let us hail the day of 
resurrection of our nationality, which was on the eve of 
being destroyed. 

•' Proclamation of the Emperor Maximilian. 

" Mexicans. — Circumstances of great magnitude re- 
lating to the welfare of our country, and which increase 
in strength by our domestic difficulties, have produced 
in our mind the conviction that we ought to reconsider 
the power confided to us. 

"Our Council of Ministers, by us convoked, has 
given as their opinion that the welfare of Mexico still 



152 MEXICO UNDER MASIMILIAlST, 

requires our presence at the bead of affairs, and we have 
considered it our duty to accede to their request. We 
announce at the same time our intention to convolve a 
national Congress on the most ample and liberal basis, 
where all political parties can participate. This Con- 
gress shall decide whether the empire shall continue in 
future, and in case of assent, shall assist in framing the 
fundamental laws to consolidate the public institutions 
of the countiy ; to obtain this result our counsellors 
are at present engaged in devising the necessary means, 
and at the same time arrange matters in such a manner 
that all parties may assist in an arrangement on that 
basis. 

"In the meantime, Mexicans, counting upon you all, 
without excluding any political class, we shall continue 
with courage and constancy, the work of regeneration 
which you have placed in charge of your countryman 

" MAXIMILIAN. 

"Orizaba, Bee. 1, 1866." 

In taking this step the chief reliance of the Em- 
peror Maximilian was upon the Mexican people them- 
selves. The events of December, 1866, and of Janua- 
ry and February, 1867, have demonstrated that this 
confidence was not misplaced. The Mexican people 
seemed to appreciate the gravity of the situation, 
and they rallied around the Emperor, determined to 
uphold him, and the government which he had admin- 
istered with such wisdom and paternal care. All 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 153 

classes rushed to his support. The clergy and the 
merchants furnished the financial means that were 
necessary for immediate use ; volunteers flocked to 
the army, and swelled the ranks of the regiments ; 
and soon all matters began to wear an encouraging 
aspect. The Sherman and Cambell mission therefore, 
so far from witnessing the downfall of the Mexican 
Empire, has only demonstrated the attachment of the 
Mexican people to it, and their determination to up- 
hold it. 

Military operations against the Juarists were at 
once commenced, and were carried on with vigor and 
success. Ortega, the legal President of the defunct Mex- 
ican republic, escaping from the illegal imprisonment 
to which he had been subjected by General Sheridan, 
had crossed the Eio Grande, and his partisans and 
those of Juarez were at once engaged in deadly strife 
with each other. The latest intelligence from Mexico 
brings us the news of the capture of the cities of 
Zacatecas and San Luis Potosi, by a Division of the 
Imperial troops under the Mexican General Miramon, 
— the defeat of the republican troops at those points, 
and the capture of Juarez himself. 

The fate of Mexico depends upon the United States. 
If our neutrality toward that country is maintained, 
in accordance with Mr. Seward's promise to the Em- 
peror Napoleon, the " republican" faction in Mexico will 
destroy each other, and the government under Max- 



154 MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

imilian will become firmly established. But it may 
be quite another matter if we continue to take the 
part of the usurper Juarez against the legal President 
Ortega, and if the Juarists continue to derive aid and 
encouragement from the United States. In conse- 
quence of such intervention, Maximilian may be forced 
to abdicate : and what will be the result then ? The 
war between the Juarists and the followers of Ortega 
will rage with greater bitterness than ever : Mexico 
will at once revert to its former condition of anarchy : 
and continual civil wars will absorb all the energies 
and all the wealth of the people. Mexico has never 
prospered under a republic, and the history and char- 
acter of her people proves that she never can prosper 
under that form of government. To re-establish the 
republic in Mexico would simply be to give up that 
country to the pillage of rival republican chiefs. 

Under such a state of things, every foreign nation 
which has claims against Mexico would at once present 
them, and Mexico would again be at the mercy of 
every foreign power, England, Spain, and France, 
all have heavy claims against Mexico, which remain 
unsatisfied to this day. Under the present govern- 
ment of that country, there is a fair prospect that those 
claims will be eventually paid, France has arranged 
for hers, and England and Spain are willing to wait. 

But the matter would be very different, if the pre- 
sent government of Mexico should be destroyed by 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 155 

intervention on tlie part of the TInited States ; and 
with it, the ability of Mexico to satisfy these claims. 
Those three nations would again make war upon 
Mexico, as they did in 1861 : they would be compelled 
to do so, in order to obtain for their own citizens the 
payment of their just claims. The end of such a war 
would find Mexico dismembered, as we dismembered 
her at the end of our Mexican war in 1818, The 
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, with its already surveyed 
railroad between the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean, and 
the States of Oaxaca, Tabaso, Chiapas, Campeche, and 
Yucatan, lie very convenient to the British and Span- 
ish possessions in the Balize and Cuba : and nothing 
would be easier than for the French, at the same time, 
to again occupy and hold the port and State of Yera 
Cruz, and the city of Mexico, with the immediately 
surrounding country. 

The best and richest h-alf of Mexico thus disposed 
of, what would become of the remainder ? It would 
ultimately be absorbed by the United States, and 
Mexico, as a nation, would disappear from the face of 
the earth. 



156 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 



CHAPTER YIII. 

Policy of the United States toward Mexico — Question before the " Lincoln 
Administration : " Shall we Sav.e the Mexican Republic ?" — Consequences 
to the North of Interference in Opposition to Napoleon — Object of the 
American Civil War — Interference with the Emperor Napoleon would 
Defeat that Object — Critical Condition of the North in 1862 — Conse- 
quences to the North if the Emperor Napoleon should Recognize the 
South — The United States Determine to Maintain a Neutral Policy — 
The United States Government Acknowledges the Right of France 
to make War on the Mexican Republic, and to Secure the Fruits of 
Victory. 

No sooner did the Emperor Maximilian ascend the 
throne of Mexico, than he communicated the fact of 
his accession to all the great powers of the world, and 
among the rest, to the United States. This was in 
May, 1864. The United States government took no 
notice of the commnnication. All the other great 
powers immediately recognized the empire of Mexico, 
sent ministers to reside at the court of Maximilian, 
and received ministers from him to reside at their 
capitals. But why did the United States not interfere 
in time to prevent the extinction of the Mexican re- 
public ? 

When France made war on Mexico, in 1861 and 
1862; when the French expedition, under General 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 157 

Forej, was sent to Mexico, tlie United States was in- 
vited to join that expedition. The United States 
government declined, but at the same time admitted 
the justice of the war on the part of France. On the 
11th of Se|)tember, 1863, Mr. Seward said to Mr. 
Motley, our minister to Vienna: " When France made 
war against Mexico, we asked of France explanations 
of her objects and purposes. She answered that it was 
a war for the redress of grievances; that she did not 
intend to permanently occupy or dominate in Mexico ; 
and that she should leave to the people of Mexico a 
free choice of institutions of government. Under 
these circumstances the United States adopted, and 
they have since maintained, entire neutrality between 
the belligerents, in harmony with our traditional 
policy in regard to foreign wars." 

But our policy toward Mexico had a deeper founda- 
tion than that. At the time of the French intervention 
in Mexico, the United States were engaged in civil 
war. In 1862, when it became necessary for our 
government to decide what our policy toward Mexico 
was to be — when it became absolutely necessary for 
us to decide whether we would uphold the Monroe 
doctrine in Mexico, and save the republic there, or 
remain coldly looking on while the empire was being- 
established — at that time matters did not look well 
for the North. 

The first war fever had passed away, and people 



158 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

began to realize that tliej had been entrapped into a 
job that was going to be any thing but an easy one. 
Drafting had not yet begun, but it was plainly seen 
that conscription was inevitable, and that without 
forced conscription the war could not be carried on. 
It was plainly seen that the real object of the war was 
to free the negroes and to subjugate the Southern 
States ; and that in giving liberty to the blacks the 
white people would lose their own. 

The finances of the country had begun to get de- 
ranged. All the specie in the country had been with- 
drawn from circulation, and had been sent to Europe 
to buy arms ; and our new national bank-note currency 
had not yet got under headway. The events of the 
war had not been such as to inspire confidence as to 
the result of the struggle. The North had been de- 
feated, and the South had been victorious, at Big 
Bethel, Bull Eun, Manassas Junction, Ball's Bluff, and 
Belmont. Washington had been beleaguered by the 
Confederate forces, from the battle of Manassas, in 
July, 1861, until March, 1862, a period of seven 
months. President Lincoln had offered the South 
four hundred millions of dollars for the liberation of 
their slaves, and the oft'er had been refused. The 
peninsula 'campaign against Eichmond had not been 
successful. The national army had then been placed 
under the command of General Pope. It had been 
defeated with terrible loss, and had retreated in con- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 159 

fusion to Washington; at the end of August, 1862 ; 
and the prestige of Greneral McClellan's name alone 
had saved the capital from capture. The President 
had left the White House, so imminent was the danger, 
and had gone to General McClellan's residence, and 
implored him to take command of all the troops for 
the defence of the capital ; and a locomotive was 
kept at the depot, with steam up day and night, ready 
to convey Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton away to Balti- 
more in case the Confederates should attack Wash- 
ington. 

Such was the situation, when Mr. Lincoln was 
called upon to adopt a course of policy toward Mexico. 
And here it must be remembered who caused the war, 
and for what purpose it was waged. The war origin- 
ated in a systematic conspiracy on the part of the 
leaders of the radical Republican party, of whom Mr. 
Lincoln was one, for the conquest and subjugation of 
the Southern States. Any person with a calm and 
unprejudiced mind, who will sit down and study the 
political history of the country for the last forty years, 
can plainly trace this conspiracy through the whole 
of that long period. It took its rise in that spirit of 
intolerance which has always been the distinguishing 
trait of New England Puritanism. This spirit of in- 
tolerance had swept all over the Northern States, and 
wherever it could make its influence felt, it compelled 
men to abandon the most cherished convictions of their- 



160 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN", 

lives, and to conform to tlie rigid, unbending standard 
of Puritan morality and politics. 

The conspiracy was successful in driving tlie 
Southern States to secede, so as to have a pretext for ■ 
making war on them. It was also successful in ex- 
citing the North to make war on them, by pretending 
that it should be a war for the restoration of the 
Union. Left alone, there was a possibility that the 
North, after a war of some years' duration, might sub- 
jugate the Southern States and impose upon them 
whatever conditions they pleased. But it was certain 
that the North could not conquer the Southern States 
if any European power should recognize the latter as 
an independent government and enter into an alliance 
with them. And there seemed reason to fear that this 
would take place. England was building magnificent 
iron-clad vessels for the South ; and all through Mr. 
Seward's diplomatic correspondence, in 1862, are ex- 
pressions of fear that the Emperor Napoleon might 
recognize the South. 

One or two instances of this must suffice here for illus- 
tration. On the 15th of September, 1863, the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs wrote as follows to the French 
minister at Washington : 

"Paris, September 15, 1863. 
"Mr. Dayton, the American minister, has been moved 
at certain rumors which appear lately to have obtained 
some credit at Paris, and he has come to converse with 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 161 

me about them. According to these reports, the Em- 
peror's government has decided to recognize the South- 
ern States, and a treaty has. even been already signed, 
according to -which the new confederacy is to cede to 
France, Texas and a part of Louisiana." 

On the 9th of October, 1863, Mr. Seward wrote to 
Mr. Dayton, our minister to France : 

" We know from ruany sources, and even from the 
direct statement of the Emperor of France, that on the 
breaking out of the insurrection he adopted the then 
current opinion of European statesmen that the efforts 
of this government to suppress it would be unsuccessful. 
To this pre-judgment we attribute his agreement with 
Great Britain to act in concert with her upon interna- 
tional questions which might arise out of the conflict, 
his practical concession of a belligerent character to the 
insurgents, his repeated suggestions of accommodations 
by this government with the insurgents, and his con- 
fei^ences on the subject of a recognition. These proceed- 
ings of the Emperor of France have been very injurious 
to the United States by encouraging and thus prolonging 
the insurrection. When recurring to what the Emperor 
of France has already done, we cannot, at any time, feel 
assured that, under mistaken impressions of our embar^ 
rassments in consequence of a lamentable civil war, he 
may not go further in the way of encouragement to the 
insurgents, whose intrigues in Paris we understand and 

do not under-estimate." 

11 * 



162 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

Of course, if the Emperor Napoleon should "go mucli 
further in the way of encouragement to the insurgents" 
than " he had already done ;" if " his conferences on the 
' subject of recognition" should lead him finally to re- 
cognize the South, then the grand conspiracy of the 
radical Eepublicans, for the conquest and subjugation 
of the Southern States, to which Mr. Lincoln was fully 
committed, would have to be abandoned. What, then, 
was to be done ? 

There was Napoleon, making war against Mexico, 
just as we, said the radical Eepublicans, are making 
war against the South. If we interfere, we shall save 
the Mexican republic, save Mexico from conquest, 
bafile all of Napoleon's designs. If Napoleon inter- 
poses in our quarrel, he will save the cause for which 
the South is fighting, will save the South from con- 
quest, will baffle all our designs. If we let Napoleon 
alone, he can do what he pleases in Mexico. If we 
can induce Napoleon to let us alone, we can do what 
we please with the Southern States. 

Thus Mr. Lincoln and the radical Eepublicans 
reasoned, in 1862 ; and thus it was that no hand on 
'•, our part was raised to save the Mexican republic or 
\f to vindicate the Monroe doctrine. This is the key to 
the whole policy of the United States toward Mexico, 
from 1861 to 1866. The Washington correspondent 
of the "New York News," in a letter dated Washing- 
ton, December 30th, 1865, says : 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 163 

How THE JSToRTii Conquered the South. 

"It is a great mistake to suppose, or to sa}^, that the 
diplomatic correspondence of our government with 
Fi'ance, in regard to Mexican affairs, when it is sent in 
to Congress/ ' will show that our government has at no 
time had any purpose or thought of abandoning the 
Monroe doctrine.'' On the other hand, that correspon- 
dence will show that the Monroe doctrine was aban- 
doned by the government, in 1861 and 1862, when 
Napoleon first began the execution of his designs in 
Mexico, and communicated those designs to us. The 
government clearly perceived at that time that if we de- 
clared our firm determination then to uphold the Monroe 
doctrine, and not to permit the establishment of a mon- 
archy in Mexico, that Napoleon would recognize the 
Southern Confederacy, and would then, after assisting 
the South to gain her independence, establish a monarchy 
in Mexico and enter into an alliance with the Southern 
Confederacy. The proofs of this are scattered all 
through Mr. Dayton's diplomatic correspondence, in 
1862 and 1863 ; while, on the other hand, if we yielded 
to what seemed a military necessity, gave a tacit consent 
to Napoleon's operations against Mexico, and said noth- 
ing about the Monroe doctrine, we would thereby secure 
Napoleon's neutrality and would be able to conquer the 
South. I assert, and I defy contradiction, that this 
alternative was considered at several successive Cabinet 
meetings, in the fall and winter of 1861, and that the 
latter was deliberately chosen. It was deliberately de- 



164 MEXICO UNiEK MAXIMILIAN. 

cided b}'' the governmeut that the Monroe doctrine 
should be sacrificed, in order that we might be able to 
'whip the South.' We see the result to-day in the firm 
establishment of the Mexican empire, a result which the 
government must have foreseen. The only alternative 
left to us now is to recognize that empire, or to go to 
war with France, Austria, Belgium, Spain, Italy, and 
England, in order to root it out. The idea that Maxi- 
milian will abdicate, or that he will be deserted by his 
European allies, is too preposterous to be noticed." 

• On tlie 26tli of September, 1863, Mr. Seward wrote 
to Mr. Dayton, our minister to Paris: "The United 
States have neither the right nor the disposition to 
intervene by force on either side, in the war which is 
going on between France and Mexico." On the elev- 
enth of the same month, he wrote to Mr. Motley, our 
minister to Austria: "When France made war against 
Mexico, we asked of France explanations of her, ob- 
jects and purposes. She answered, that it was a war 
for the redress of grievances; and that she did not 
intend permanently to occupy or dominate in Mexico, 
and that she should leave to the people of Mexico a 
free choice of institutions of government. Under 
these circumstances the United States adopted, and 
they have since maintained, entire neutrality between 
the belligerents, in harmony with the traditional 
policy in regard to foreign wars. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 165 



CHAPTER IX. 

Policy of President Johnson's Administration toward Mexico — His Mes- 
sage in December, 1865 — Our Policy to be Based upon the Princijjle of 
Non-Interyention — We must Pinally Recognize the Government de 
Facto — Why Mr. Logan was Appointed Minister to Mexico — Why he 
Refused the Appointment — AVhy Mr. Campbell was Appointed— Why 
Mr. Campbell is Not Permitted to go to Mexico — No Constitutional 
Republican Government in Mexico in Existence — Juarez a Usurper. 

The policy of the United States toward Mexico, 
from 1861 to 1865, might have been right or wrong. 
President Johnson had nothing to do with it. On 
his accession to the Presidency, he found that the 
republic of Mexico no longer existed, and that it 
had been succeeded by an empire which was firmly 
established, and which had been formally recognized 
by the eight great powers of the earth. He found, 
that of all the great powers of the earth, the United 
States was the only one that was not holding diplo- 
matic relations with Mexico. He found, that for 
the first time in our history, the United States had 
failed to recognize a de facto government. On fur- 
ther inquiry and study, he found it to be an un- 
ci uestionable fact that the new government in Mexico 
had been established by the will of the people, and 
was heartily supported by nine tenths of the popu- 



166 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

lation of Mexico, including all the honest and in- 
dustrious people, all the merchants, all the men of 
v.''ealth and property, all the educated and professional 
men, and by the church. He found that it was 
opposed solely by a few bands of guerillas. 

The question for him to determine was, whether he 
should interpose and uproot all this, and, by forcing 
a republican government upon Mexico, throw back 
that country into its former condition of anarchy and 
weakness, or whether, on the other hand, he should 
observe our settled policy of non-intervention in the 
affairs of other nations, and leave Mexico to the 
enjoyment of that government which she had chosen, 
and under which, for three years, her people had 
been so happy and prosperous. 

The Washington correspondent of the New York 
" News," in his letter of December 8, 1865, in speak- 
ing of the message which President Johnson had just 
sent in to Congress, says : 

" There is nothing either in the character of Andrew 
Johnson, or in the circumstances by which he is sur- 
rounded, which require him to use the language of 
ambiguity in speaking of the relations in which we 
stand toward Mexico. If the government intends to 
uphold the Monroe doctrine in Mexico, there is no 
reason why the President should not plainly say so. 
But he does not say it, nor can any such intention be 
implied from what he does say. Napoleon has done a 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 167 

certain work in Mexico. What he has done there is 
finished and complete. There is nothing more for him 
to do there. But the whole world knows what he has 
done : namely, that he has established in Mexico a 
strong and permanent government. Now, if Mr. John- 
son objected to that ; if he objected to what Napoleon 
has done in Mexico ; if he intended to take any meas- 
ures to undo what Napoleon has done ; if he intended to 
take any measures whatever for the expulsion of Maxi- 
milian and the resuscitation of the Mexican republic, 
he would have said so, plainly and unequivocally, in 
his message. But he sajs nothing of the kind. He 
does not complain of or object to, any thing that Napo- 
leon has done in Mexico. He does say, in a very vague 
and indefinite manner, that we might protect ourselves 
against designs inimical to our own government ; but 
he does not say that the government has any design to 
interfere in favor of a republic in Mexico. On the con- 
trary, alluding to the fact that the Mexicans seem to 
have chosen a monachy instead of a republic, he saj^s, 
that " Republicanism is the only government suited to 
our condition ; but we have never sought to impose it 
upon others." 

"intentions op the government toward MEXICO. 

" Again, in the whole Message there is not one word 
of sympathy for the Mexican republic ; not one word 
of regret that the republic has fallen, and has been suc- 
ceeded by an empire ; not one word of encouragement 
to Juarez and his followers. This studied omission 



168 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAli)< 

must mean something. It can only mean that the gov- 
ernment does not feel any such sympathy or regret. 
Mr. Johnson is not the man to suppress the sentiments 
of the government on such a subject. A correspon- 
dence between the United States and France, on the 
subject, is alluded to. We are not left in the dark as to 
the nature of that correspondence. Napoleon's designs 
in regard to Mexico have been plainlj^ and unequivo- 
cally expressed, and have been before the world ever 
since 1863. He concealed nothing from the first. The 
purpose which he had in view, and which was announced 
as early as 1863, has been fully accomplished. There 
is nothing more in Mexico for him to do ; and he has no 
'designs,' 'inimical' or otherwise, 'toward the United 
States,' or 'against our government.' He has even 
offered to withdraw from Mexico all the French troops, 
if we will maintain our former neutrality toward Mexico. 
On our part, the correspondence alluded to by the Presi- 
dent has been carried on by Mr. Seward. Mr. Seward 
is not a man whose foreign policy is subject to sudden 
changes. We have Mr. Seward's diplomatic correspon. 
dence down to the end of the year 1864. We have his 
letters to all of our foreign ministers long after the em- 
pire in Mexico was firmly established, and his instruc- 
tions to them on that subject. There is no ambiguity 
in those letters. He speaks plainly and to the point. 
And the whole tenor of what he says is this : that, 
under no circumstances, will the United States inter- 
fere in what is going on in Mexico ; that we will con- 
tinue to presei've the most perfect neutrality between 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 169 

the belligerents, and that in the end we will recognize 
the government which shall be finally established." 

The same writer, in another letter of tlie same date, 
says, in relation to the appointment of Mr. Logan as 
minister to the repuhlic of Mexico : — 

" General Logan arrived here last evening, and had 
an interview with the President and Secretary of State 
before the cabinet meeting to-day. He stated to the 
President that he wonld gladly accept the post of min- 
ister to Mexico, if the government would assure him 
that our policy toward Mexico would be changed, and 
that we would aid the liberals in Mexico in expelling 
Maximilian and in restoring the republic ; but that he 
positively declined the mission until he should receive 
such assurances. The President informed him that he 
could not give him those assurances ; that, up to this 
time, the government had not determined to make any 
change in its policy, Mr. Seward added that non-in- 
terference in the affairs of other nations was one of the 
fundamental principles of our government ; that, so far 
as it applied to Mexico, that policy had been adopted 
when Prance made war against Mexico, in 1861, and 
had been steadily adhered to ever since ; and there was 
no reason for a departure from that policy now ; that ' 
it would, on the other hand, be maintained and con- 
tinued ; that the Mexican people must be left free to 
decide their form of government for themselves ; that, as 
the President had stated in his message, " we have 
never been the propagandists of republicanism, and have 



170 MEXICO UIn^DER MAXIMILIAN", 

never sought to impose our form of government upon 
others ;" and that we must recognize the sovereignty 
of Mexico in whatever form the Mexican people them- 
selves choose to manifest it. 

" Thus the matter ended ; and thus ends the delusion 
that the American people indulged in when the appoint- 
ment of General Logan was first announced." 

The same writer, in a letter to the "Chicago Times" 
dated December 24, 1865, thus explains the subse- 
quent appointment of Mr. Campbell, in place of Mr. 
Logan : — 

" The appointment of Mr. Campbell is a tub thrown 
to the whale. It was made from the same motives, and 
with the same end in view, as Mr. Logan's appointment. 
Our foreign affairs under this administration, are man- 
aged exclusively by Mr. Seward, precisely the same as 
they were under the former administration. Mr. 
Seward sees the necessity of making some concession 
to the strong feeling in favor of the Monroe doctrine, 
which has recently found such emphatic expression in 
Congress ; and therefore he caused Mr. Campbell to be 
appointed in place of Mr. Logan, who declined. But 
the appointment of Mr. Campbell is not the fact upon 
which the public should fix their attention. The great 
point to be ascertained is, why did General Logan 
refuse to accept the Mexican mission ? That is the 
important point ; and on this point the readers of the 
" Times" shall not be in the dark. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 171 

General Logan was appointed JSTovember 14, 1SG5. 
He was selected because he had identified himself with 
the Monroe doctrine and was prominently before the 
public as an advocate for its enforcement, even by 
force of arms, if necessary. The Democratic press 
everywhere throughout the country hailed his appoint' 
ment, as affording a sure indication that our policy 
toward Mexico would be changed, and that our govern- 
ment intended now to take an active stand in favor of 
the Mexican republic. General Logan himself believed 
so. But I ascertained, and stated before the end of 
that month, that he was mistaken, and that, when he 
discovered that fact, he would refuse to accept the 
mission. The event has confirmed this statement. On 
the 8th inst., he had a long interview with the Presi- 
dent and Secretaiy of State. Por some days previously 
Mr. Seward had been urging him to accept the appoint- 
ment. The time had now come when he must decide. 
He frankly expressed his desire to go to Mexico, if he 
could be assured that our policy toward that country 
would be changed. But he declared his unwillingness 
to go, unless the government intended to extend some 
substantial aid to the libei'als. He was informed that 
our policy of neutrality toward Mexico would remain 
unchanged for the present, and he at once and peremp- 
torily refused the mission. What transpired at this 
interview was kept a profound secret for ten days, and 
in the meantime, the public was informed almost daily 
that General Logan would probably accept. But, on 
the 21st inst., the "Intelligencer" announced the appoint- 



172 MEXICO UNDEli MAXIMILIAN. 

ment of Mr. Campbell ' in place of Mr. Logan who 
declines.' 

" jSTow who can believe that the policy of the adminis- 
tration, on an important question of foreign policy like 
this, has changed since the 8th of December ? Depend 
upon it, that policy is unchanged. But Mr. Campbell 
is a different man from General Logan. I believe him 
to be a man of ability, and a gentleman who would not 
disgrace the diplomatic service of the country. But he 
is not particularly distinguished as ' a Monroe doctrine 
man,' and his appointment does not carry the weight 
that Mr. Logan's did. And he was spoken of, only a 
few weeks ago, by an able and usually accurate Wash- 
ington correspondent as a hanger-around bar-rooms and 
saloons, and as a man who had already outlived his 
influence. What is the precise nature of his instruc- 
tions, and what his course will be, I am as yet unable 
to say. Your readers may be assured, however, on 
two points : 1. That there is nothing in his -instructions 
which will lead the liberals in Mexico to expect any 
aid from the United States, or that will bring about 
hostilities between the United States and France ; and, 
2. That the reasons which impel the United States to 
appoint a minister to the Mexican republic are so well 
understood at Paris that this appointment will not 
affect the diplomatic relations between the United 
States and France." 

Our policy of neutrality toward Mexico is based 
upon sound principles of international law. The 



JIEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 173 

United States government, in 1862, acknowledged the 
right of France to resort to war in order to enforce 
her just claims against Mexico. That acknowledg- 
ment was of itself an engagement on the part of the 
United States to recognize any de facto government 
that might be the legitimate result of that war. See 
Wheaton's International Law, Lawrence's edition. 
That the government of the United States intended 
that such a government de facto in Mexico should 
eventually be recognized, is evident from Mr. Seward's 
diplomatic correspondence. 

THE TEEATY WITH PRESIDENT JUAREZ. 

But there are deeper and more important considera- 
tions, even than these, which require a brief historical 
retrospect. In accordance with the Mexican constitu- 
tion Juarez was elected President in 1859. In 1860 
our minister to Mexico negotiated a treaty with him, 
which would have been vastly advantageous to us in 
a commercial point of view, and would, in all proba- 
bility, have prevented the subsequent intervention by 
England and France, and the present establishment of 
the Mexican empire. 

By this treaty the Mexican government granted the 
right of way for railroad purposes, through the States 
of Sonora and Chihuahua, with a protectorate over 
the same ; in consideration of which the United States 
agreed to loan Juarez four million dollars. What 



174 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

would have been the. result of the ratification of 
this treaty ? In the first place, it would have firmly 
established the constitutional republican government 
of Mexico, under President Juarez. It would have 
enabled the latter to have paid off the foreign debts 
of Mexico, thus taking away all pretence for subse- 
quent French interference ; and, finally, it would have 
enabled the Mexican people to demonstrate whether 
or not they were capable of living under a republican 
government. Besides that it would have given us an 
opportunity, and the means of building a Southern 
Pacific Eailroad, running through Texas, "with its 
western terminus at the seaport of Guaymas. Sup- 
pose the four million dollars had never been repaid, 
what then ? "We would have a protectora;te over the 
whole of the two northern States of Mexico. They 
would already be in our possession, and they would, 
ultimately, have been ceded to the United States. 

WHY WAS THE TEEATY NOT EATIFIED ? 

That treaty, however, failed to receive the ratifica- 
tion of the Senate. It is true that this treaty pledged 
the United States to uphold the Monroe doctrine (as 
it was then understood, and as it has been until now 
understood) in Mexico. Was that the reason why it 
was not ratified? Whatever the reason was, the 
refusal of the Senate to ratify this treaty, prepared 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 175 

the way for the doAvnfall of the Mexican repiihlic, 
and opened the way for the establishment of the 
empire. 

Three years have elapsed since the establishment 
of the Mexican empire. Its stability seems to bo 
beyond question. Can it be possible that a nation of 
eight millions of people would have permitted this 
state of things if they were, indeed, opposed to it? 
It has been a favorite expression that the throne of 
Maximilian is upheld by French bayonets. But that 
is not true in the sense that it is intended. It is true 
that the Mexican empire is upheld by the moral 
force of France. But at any time during the last 
eighteen months it has been within the power of the 
Mexican nation to expel Maximilian and restore 
Juarez and the republican government, if the Mexi- 
can people really wished to do so. But what have 
they done ? What has this nation of eight millions 
of people done ? They have seen Juarez driven from 
Mexico to San Luis Potosi, from San Luis to Chihua- 
hua, from Chihuahua to El Paso del Norte. From 
fifty thousand troops which he had when the French 
began the siege of Puebla, his forces have dwindled 
down to twenty thousand, to ten thousand, to four 
thousand, and at last to a few bands of scattered 
guerillas and robbers. Would the Mexican nation 
have permitted this if they really wished a republic? 



176 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

WHY HAVE WE KOT ASSISTED MEXICO? 

It is true they have been disappointed in not 
receiving from the United States that assistance in 
their struggle which they felt they had a right to 
look for from a powerful sister republic, contiguous 
to their own. Why was this? When Juarez fled 
from Mexico to San Luis, in June, 1863, he invited 
our Minister Mr. Cor win, to go with him. Mr. Cor- 
win declined, and Mr. Seward wrote to him on the 8th 
of August, 1863, that the President approved of his 
decision in so declining. Since that time we have not 
even pretended to maintain any diplomatic relations 
with the republican government of Mexico in that 
country. Appeal after appeal has been made by 
Juarez for aid, but the United States Government has 
maintained a cold and studied indifference. On the 
15th of December, 1862, Mr. Seward wrote to M. 
Eomero : " The United Stateg laments the war which 
has arisen between the republic of Mexico and France. 
Since it has unhappily occurred, however, they can 
act in regard to it only on the principles which have 
always governed their conduct in similar cases." In 
other words, we would recognize the government de 
facto, by whichever party it might be in the end 
established. On the 26th of September, 1863, Mr. 
Seward wrote to our Minister at the Austrian Court : 
"The events which are occurring in Mexico are 



MEXICO U>^DER MAXIMILIAN. 177 

regarded as incidents of the war between France and 
Mexico" (the French were then in possession of the 
Mexican capital, and the crown had been offered to 
an Austrian Prince). On the 23d of October, 1863, 
Mr. Seward wrote to our minister in England that 
Maximilian had declared his willingness to accept the 
imperial throne in Mexico if he shall be called to it by 
the voice of the Mexican nation ; and concludes his 
dispatch by saying : " The United States can do no 
otherwise than leave the destinies of Mexico in the 
keeping of her own people, and recognize their 
sovereignty and independence in whatever form tliey 
themselves shall choose that this sovereignty and 
independence shall be manifested." On the 26th of 
September, 1868, Mr. Seward also wrote to Mr. Day- 
ton : " The United States have neither the right nor 
the disposition to intervene by force, on either side, 
in the lamentable war which is going on between 
France and Mexico. They have neither a right nor 
a disposition to intervene by force in the internal 
affairs of Mexico, whether to establish or maintain a 
republic or to overthrow an imperial government, if 
Mexico chooses to accept it," 

OUR GOVERNMENT WILL FINALLY RECOGNIZE THE 
EMPIRE. 

These extracts from Mr. Seward's dispatches plainly 

imply two things, as the supposition that he has cor- 
12 



178 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

rectly expressed tlie views of the government : 1st. 
That from the day when the French began the siege 
of Puebla, the administration had determined to look 
on and see the life squelched out of the Mexican 
republic, before we would raise a finger to prevent 
it: — and 2d. That as soon as Maximilian's empire is 
firmly established, the United States will recognize it, 
as that manifestation of the sovereignty and indepen- 
dence of Mexico which her own people shall have 
chosen. What then becomes of the Monroe doc- 
trine ? Let it rather be asked 

WHAT IS THE MONROE DOCTRINE ? 

Is the popular understanding of it, the correct one ? 
Does it mean that we must maintain a republic in 
Mexico, when the Mexicans themselves have submit- 
ted to the establishment of an empire? Does it mean 
that we must force a republic upon Mexico, when 
the Mexicans themselves have chosen an empire ? 

That Mexico has a perfect right to choose her own 
form of government : — and that the United Stated are 
bound to recognize that government, whatever form 
it may assume, whenever it becomes firmly established, 
are principles that have always been regarded, recog- 
nized, and acknowledged, as among the fundamental 
rules of our national policy. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 179 

MUST WE ADD A GREEN ELEPHANT TO OUR MEN- 
AGERIE ! 

Now it is certain that such a state of things as exists 
in Mexico at the present time, and has been brought 
about by the present existing government, has never 
existed in Mexico at any previous period of her his- 
tory. What has been the history of Mexico for the 
last fifty years ? Has it not been a history of continual 
civil war and commotion ? Has not that unhappy 
country been torn by faction, and by the quarrels of 
the different races by which it has been inhabited, for 
a period far beyond the recollection of most of my 
readers ? Has not Mexico been dismembered because 
she could never establish or maintain for herself a 
government of sufi&cient stability to pay her debts? 
Suppose our governmeat does demand the with- 
drawal of Maximilian and the demand is acceded 
to. Do we wish to plunge Mexico again into her for- 
mer troubles and anarchy ? Do we wish to see re- 
enacted the civil wars of Santa Anna, of Altamont, 
of Arista, of Comonfort, of Miramon and of Juarez ? 
Do we wish to do over again the work that Maximilian 
has done so well, and that we are anxious to undo ? 
Is not the white elephant and the black elephant 
that we already have on our hands quite as much 
menagerie as we can manage? Must we have 



180 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

a green elephant also ? Does tlie Monroe doctrine 
require tliis ? 

TWO INTERPRETATIONS OF THE DOCTRINE. 

There are two interpretations to the Monroe doctrine, 
j^ccordins; to one, we would be bound tore-establish a 
republican government in Mexico, even to the extent 
of going to war against France, and even if it should 
manifestly appear that the Mexican people themselves 
desire, and have chosen a monarchy. It is believed 
by those who are best informed on the subject, that 
there are few members of Congress who hold this to 
be the true interpretation of the doctrine. According 
to the other interpretation we are bound to leave the 
Mexican people to decide for themselves what form of 
government they prefer, and we are further bound to 
acquiesce in that decision. I am aware that this is a 
novel interpretation of the Monroe doctrine. But this 
is probably the interpretation which Mr. Seward puts 
upon it, and there is reason to believe that this view 
will meet with a warm support in the next Congress. 
If we insist upon the enforcement of the Monroe doc- 
trine under the first interpretation, and as it has been 
popularly but perhaps erroneously understood, we will 
be obliged to give up and abandon another, equally 
cherished, and equally important principle of our 
government. That, to acknowledge and recognize 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 181 

the government de facto whenever such a government 
has been established. 



OUR SETTLED POLICY TO RECOGNIZE THE GOVERN- 
MENT DE FACTO. 

This principle has been well settled, and has always 
been acted on by our government without deviation. 
Our ministers abroad have always been imperatively 
instructed to act upon it. The diplomatic correspond- 
ence of Daniel Webster, of Edward Everett, of Henry 
Clay, and of Lewis Cass, when these gentlemen were 
severally Secretary of State, is full of such instruc- 
tions, and abounds in illustrations of this principle. 
The present Secretary of State has had nothing to do 
but to follow those illustrious precedents. And he has 
followed them. In the case of Mexico he has been par- 
ticular in instructing our ministers abroad that the 
United States would not interfere with what has been 
going on in Mexico during the last four years, and 
that we would, in the end, recognize the government 
which should be de facto established. 

On the 15th of December, 1862, after the French 
army had landed at Vera Cruz, but before active oper- 
ations had been commenced, Mr. Seward wrote to Mr. 
Eomero: "The United States deplore the war which 
has arisen between the republic of Mexico and France. 
They are not, however, a party to that war, and they 



182 MEXICO UNDER. MAXIMILIAN. 

can act in regard to it only upon principles wHcb. 
have always governed them heretofore, in similar 
cases." On the 11th of September, 1863, after the cap- 
ture of the City of Mexico by the French, Mr. 
Seward, in a letter to our minister at Vienna, says : 
" The United States adopted and have maintained 
entire neutrality between the belligerents, in har- 
mony with the traditional policy in regard to for- 
eign wars." And on the 9th of October, the same 
year, lie writes to Mr, Motley, at Vienna : " The 
United States practice, in regard to Mexico, in every 
phase of the war, the non-intervention which they 
require," etc. And on the 23d of October, 1863, 
he wrote to our Minister to England: "The United 
States, consistently with their principles, can do no 
otherwise than leave the destinies of Mexico in the 
keeping of her own people, and recognize their sover- 
eignty and independence in whatever form they them- 
selves shall clioose that this sovereignty and indepen- 
dence shall be manifested." 

No one can read these extracts from Mr. Seward's 
diplomatic correspondence, and compare them with 
what had then taken place in Mexico, without being 
convinced that it never was the intention of the pre- 
ceding administration to save the Mexican republic 
from extinction ; nay, without being convinced that 
the preceding administration had foreseen, from the 
first, that the , Mexican republic was doomed to ex- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXnilLTAN". 183 

tinction, and had made ap their minds to acquiesce in 
that extinction. The triple alliance of France, Eng- 
land and Spain, against Mexico, was concluded by a 
treaty signed at London, October, 31, 1861, of which 
our government had immediate notice. Did our gov- 
ernment protest against this ? Not at all. The allied 
forces landed at Vera Cruz during the succeeding 
winter. Still no protest. On the other hand our gov- 
ernment acquiesced in the justice of the war made by 
France against Mexico, and thus bound ourselves to 
recognize the government which should be established 
by the successful belligerent. 

After a careful study of Mr. Seward's diplomatic 
correspondence, it is impossible to doubt that he 
clearly foresaw that such a government as would be 
established in Mexico by Napoleon and Maximilian 
would be gratefully received and eagerly embraced 
by the Mexican people ; and that they themselves, in 
the course of two or three years, would rally around 
it and secure its perpetuity. In his dispatch to Mr, 
Motley, our minister to Austria, October 9, 1863, 
he says : " War exists between France and Mexico. 
The United States has neither a right nor any dispo- 
sition to intervene by force in the internal affairs of 
Mexico, whether to establish or to maintain a repub- 
lican or even a domestic government there, or to over- 
throw an imperial or a foreign one, if Mexico shall 
choose to establish or accept it." And, in a dispatch 



184 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

to Mr. Dayton, our minister to France, on tlie 23d of 
October, 1863, he says: "The United States can do 
no otherwise than leave the destinies of Mexico in 
the keeping of her own people, and recognize their 
sovereignty and independence in whatever form they 
themselves shall choose that this sovereignty and in- 
dependence shall he manifested." These are weighty 
words. Let them be carefully examined. They can 
bear only one interpretation, namely, that the United 
States has no right to force, and will not force, a 
republic upon Mexico, if the Mexican people desire a 
monarchy.; and that the United States must and will 
recognize the present government of Mexico as soon 
as it shall become apparent that it is the choice of the 
Mexican people. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 185 



CHAPTBE X. 

TYliat is the Monroe Doctrine ? — Is it a Constitutional Enactment? — Is it 
an Irrepealable Law ? — Absurdity of the Doctrine — It has no Binding 
Force — Why it ought to be Eejiudiated. 

The opposition to the Mexican empire, in the 
United States, arises chieflj from an impression which 
prevails, to the effect that the present government in 
Mexico has been established in contravention of the 
Monroe doctrine, and that it is incumbent upon the 
people of the United States to support that doctrine, 
even to the extent of destroying the government which 
has existed in Mexico for the last three years. The 
impression prevails in regard to the Monroe doctrine, 
that, although it is no more than the mere dictum of 
one man, uttered forty-three years ago, yet it consti- 
tutes a law of binding force which there is no power 
in the American people to repeal, which never can be 
repealed ; which must forever remain in full force ; 
which, although given to a former generation, must 
be observed by the present generation and all subse- 
quent generations ; and that this doctrine requires the 
United States to take Mexico under our special protec- 
tion, and to force a certain form of government upon 
her, even when her people desire another form of gov- 



186 . MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

ernment. The popular understanding of tlie Monroe 
doctrine is, that the Mexican people are to be forever 
debarred from the exercise of the right enjoyed by all 
nations, of choosing their form of government for 
themselves. The popular understanding of the Mon- 
roe doctrine is, that republicanism is the only form 
of government that Mexico can ever have, and that 
the United States niust force the Mexicans to have 
that, and to have no other form of government. 

What is this Monroe doctrine ? Is it a part of the 
Constitution of the United States, which can never be 
amended ? No : it is not a part of the Constitution. 
Is it an irrepealable law ? Is it a law passed by Con- 
gress and signed by the President ? No : it is not 
even a law, unless Mr. Monroe had the individual 
right to make laws. Was he ever empowered to 
make laws ? laws, too, which can never be repealed ? 

In these latter days we have dared to lay our hands 
upon the Constitution ; to expunge from it one article, 
and to alter and amend it in other respects. Is the 
Monroe doctrine something superior .to that saci^ed 
instrument? Are we to be told that the Constitution 
is nothing ; that it may be tinkered and patched at 
pleasure; but that we are to touch not the Monroe 
doctrine ? 

Let us examine, and see what this Monroe doc- 
trine is. 

In the first place, the Monroe doctrine did not 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 187 

originate with Mr. Monroe. It is of British origin. 
It originated with the eminent British statesman, 
Mr. Canning. Mr. Canning first suggested the ideas 
to Mr. Eush, our minister to England, Mr. Eush wrote 
them out and sent them to John Quincy Adams, our 
Secretary of State, and Mr. Adams communicated 
them to Mr. Monroe, and prevailed npon him to 
introduce them into his message. Mr. Buchanan 
gives all the facts, as follow : 

" The allied powers of Europe had triumphed over 
Napoleon, and had restored the elder branch of the 
Bourbons, in the person of Louis XYIII. to the throne 
of France. Emboldened by this success, Russia, Aus- 
tria, and Prussia, in 1815, formed the holy alliance. 
To this France, and nearly all the other continental 
powers, soon afterward acceded. Great Britain, how- 
ever, stood aloof and refused to become a party to it. 
The object of the allies was to abolish liberal govern- 
ments on the continent of Europe, and to maintain the 
divine right of sovereigns to rule according to their 
own discretion ; in short, to roll back the tide of pro- 
gress toward free institutions, and to restore the old 
despotisms as they had existed before the 'French revo- 
lution. Accordingly France was deputed to destroy 
by force of arms, the liberal government of the Cortes 
in Spain, and to restore the implacable and bigoted 
Ferdinand VII. to absolute power. In 1823, a French 
army, commanded by the Duke d'Angouleme, invaded 



188 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

Spain, and iu a single campaign accomplished these 
objects. 

" In the year before the date of this expedition, the 
government of the United States had formally ac- 
knowledged the independence of the different southern 
republics, formerly Spanish colonies ; and an appropria- 
tion of one hundred thousand dollars had been made 
(May 4, 1822,) by Congress to defray the expenses of 
missions to these ' independent nations on the Ameri- 
can continent.' 

" Whilst the French invasion was in successful pro- 
gress, the British government became satisfied that the 
allies, after crushing the Spanish liberals, intended to 
employ their arms in assisting Ferdinand VII to subju- 
gate what they termed his rebellious colonies on this 
side of the Atlantic. To such an enterprise Great 
Britain was strenuously opposed, and she resolved to 
resist it If successful, this would prove to be a severe 
blow to her trade in that quarter of the world — an in- 
terest to which she has ever been sensitively alive. 

" To avert the impending danger, Mr. Canning, then 
the British Minister for Foreign Affairs, in August, 
1823, proposed to Mr. Rush, then the American minis- 
ter in London, that the two governments should im- 
mediately unite in publishing ' a joint declaration before 
Europe,' manifesting their opposition to the policy and 
pm^poses of the alliance in regard to this continent. 
This expressed the opinion that the recovery of the 
colonies by Spain was hopeless ; that their recognition 
as independent States was one of time and circum^ 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 189 

stances ; that the two powers were not disposed, however 
to interpose obstacles in the ^v&j to any arrangements 
by amicable negotiations between the colonies and 
Spain, but that, whilst they aimed at the acquisition of 
no portion of these colonies for themselves, they would 
not see the transfer of any of them to a third power 
with indifference. Mr. Canning also observed that in 
his opinion such a joint declaration by Great Britain 
and the United States would alone prove sufficient to 
prevent the allies from any forcible interference against 
the former Spanish colonies. For those reasons he 
earnestly urged Mr. Rush to become a party to it on 
behalf of his government. Although Mr. Rush had no 
direct instructions to warrant him in such an act, and 
this he had communicated to Mr. Canning, yet he 
wisely agreed to assume the responsibility, but upon 
one express condition. This was that the British 
government should first acknowledge the independence 
of the American republics, as the United States had 
already done. Mr. Canning, though resolved on defeat- 
ing the projects of alliance against the republics, was 
not prepared at the time to take this decisive step, and 
therefore the joint declaration was never made. 

"Mr. Rush, in his dispatch of September 19, 182S, to 
Mr. John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, com- 
municated to him a lucid statement of these negotia- 
tions, with explanatory documents. After these had 
been considered hj President Monroe, he sent them, 
with his own views on the subject, to Mr. Jefferson, and 
asked his advice as to the course which ought to be 



190 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

pursued by the government to ward off the threatened 
danger. 

"Mr. Jefferson's answer is dated at Monticello, on 
the 24th of October, 1823. It is earnest, enthusiastic, 
and eloquent, disjDlaying in old age the statesmanlike 
sagacity and ardent patriotism of the author of the 
Declaration of Independence. It foreshadows and re- 
commends the ' Monroe doctrine' to the fullest extent. 
From its importance we quote it entire from Randall's 
Life of Jefferson, vol. iii., p. 491. Mr. Jefferson sa-ja : 
' The question presented by the letters you have sent 
me is the most momentous which has ever been offered 
to my contemplation since that of independence. That 
made us a nation ; this sets our compass and points the 
course which we are to steer through the ocean of time 
opening on us, and never could we embark on it under 
circumstances more auspicious. Our first fundamental 
maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the 
broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe 
to meddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and 
South, has a set of interests distinct from those of 
Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should, therefore, 
have a system of her own, separate and apart from that 
of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the 
domicil of despotism, our endeavor should surely be to 
make our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, 
most of all, could disturb ris in this pursuit ; she now 
offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding 
to our proposition we detach her from the bands of 
despots, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free 



MEXICO UNDKR MAXIMILIAN. 191 

government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, 
■wiiicli might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. 
Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most 
harm of any one, or all on earth ; and with her on our 
side, we need not fear the whole world. With her, then, 
we should most seriously cherish a cordial friendship, 
and nothing would tend more to unite our affections 
than to be fighting once more side by side in the same 
cause. ]!^ot that I would purchase even her amity at 
the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in 
which the j)resent proposition might engage us, should 
that be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its 
object is to introduce and establish the American sys- 
tem of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of 
never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with 
the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our own 
principle, not to depart from it ; and if, to facilitate this, 
we can effect a division in the body of the European 
powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful 
member, surely we should do it. But I am clearly of 
Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will prevent instead of 
provoke war. With Great Britain withdrawn from their 
scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all 
Europe combined would not undertake such a war. 
Eor how would they propose to get at either enemy 
without superior fleets? ISTor is the occasion to be 
slighted which this proposition offers of declaring our 
protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of 
nations by the interference of any one in the internal 
affairs of another so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, 



192 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

and now continued hj the equally lawless alliance call- 
ing itself holy. 

" ' But we have first to ask ourselves a question : Do 
we wish to acquire to our own confederacy, any one or- 
more of the Spanish provinces ? I candidly confess 
that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting 
addition that could ever be made to our system of 
States. The control which, with Florida Point, this 
island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the 
countries and isthmus bordering thereon, would fill up 
the measure of our political well-being. Yet as I am 
sensible that this can never be obtained, even with her 
own consent, but by war, and its independence, which is 
our second interest (and especially its independence of 
England), can be secured without it, I have no hesitation 
in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and 
accepting its independence, with peace and the friend- 
ship of England, rather than its association at the ex- 
pense of war and her enmity. 

" ' I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration 
proposed : that we aim not at the acquisition of Siuy of 
those possessions ; that we will not stand in the way of 
any amicable arrangement between them and the mother 
country ; but that we will oppose, with all our means, 
the forcible interposition of any other power as auxili- 
ary, stipendiary, or under any pretext, and most espe- 
cially their transfer to any other power by conquest, 
cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should think 
it advisable, therefore, that the Executive should encour- 
age the British government to a continuance in the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 193 

dispositions exi^ressecl in these letters, by au assurance 
of his concurrence with them as far as his authority' 
goes ; and that, as it may lead to war, the declaration 
of which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be 
laid before them for consideration, at their first meeting, 
and under the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by 
himself. 

" ' I liave been so long weaned from political subjects, 
and have so long ceased to take any interest in them, 
that I am sensible I am not qualified to offer opinions 
on them worthy of any attention. But the question 
now proposed involves consequences so lasting, and 
effects so decisive of our future destinies, as to rekindle 
all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions, 
and to induce me to the hazard of opinions which will 
prove only my wish to contribute still my mite toward 
any thing which may be useful to our country. And, 
praying you to accept it only at what it is worth, I add 
the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship 
and respect.' 

" President Monroe, thus fortified by the support of 
Mr. Jefferson, proceeded to announce in his seventh 
annual message to Congress, of December 2, 1823, the 
now celebrated 'Monroe doctrine.' This summed up in 
his assertion, ' as a principle in which the rights and in- 
terests of the United States are involved, that the two 
American continents, by the free and independent condi- 
tion they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth 
not to be considered as subjects for future colonization 

by any European powers.' " 
13 



194 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN", 

It is from the above modest dimension that the 
Monroe doctrine of the present day has grown, and it 
may safely be said that Monroe himself would fail to 
recognize his offspring in its gigantic proportions of 
to-day. Mr. Monroe speaks of certain independent 
governments. He says that no European power must 
oppress them, nor control their destiny in any other 
manner. He says that the two American continents 
are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European power. He does 
not say that we will go to war to vindicate this doc- 
trine. But he merely says that a violation of these 
principles will be regarded as the manifestation of an 
■unfriendly spirit toward us. 

That is all. 

HAS MAXIMILIAN VIOLATED THE MONROE DOCTRINE? 

Now apply these principles to Mexico. Have they 
been violated by Napoleon and Maximilian ? Are the 
Mexicans "oppressed" by the imperial government; 
or, on the other hand, have they been delivered from 
oppression ? 

In the second place, it is evident that the Monroe 
doctrine was put forth with reference to a certain 
state of things existing at that time, and chiefly be- 
cause the English government desired it. The com- 
mercial supremacy of England was threatened with 
a certain danger. The interests of Ens-land and those 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 195 

of the Uuited States happened to be identical at the 
time, and Mr, Canning had no difficulty in persuading 
our government to take the ground that he desired, 
and which ground, taken by us, would and did avert 
from England the threatened danger. The idea run- 
ning through the whole of Mr. Jefferson's letter is 
plainly seen to be, a virtual alliance with England, in 
order to break up certain designs of some of the other 
European nations. Mr. Jefferson says we must never 
suffer Europe to meddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. Mr. 
Monroe does not go so far as that. Indeed, that 
doctrine would carry us far beyond our strength, 
great as that is. If "Europe " once made up its mind 
to meddle with' the affairs of any nation in America 
except ours, we should be compelled either to permit 
such interference, or else to risk our own nationality 
in a war with the great European powers. 

How absurd it is in the American people to fancy 
that Mr. Monroe could make a " doctrine " which 
should constitute an irrepealable law to all future gen- 
erations ! Suppose Mr. Monroe had enunciated certain 
dogmas about commerce or about finance, sound at 
that time, but which the experience of forty years has 
proved erroneous, would we be foolish enough to ad- 
here to such financial or commercial errors now, mere- 
ly because they had been doctrines of Mr. Monroe ? 
Most certainly not. Would we not have the right to 
repudiate them now ? 



196 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

Suppose we should cbange the form of our own 
government, and choose a monarchy ? The event is 
not impossible. All the republics that ever existed 
in the world, the republics of Greece, the republics of 
Eome, and the republics of modern times, have all 
fallen, and each one has been succeeded by a monarchy. 
What reason have we to suppose that our republic will 
prove an exception? The decline of constitutional 
liberty in America has already commenced. Com- 
menced ! did I say ? It commenced in 1848 and 1850, 
when the Northern States refused to perform their con- 
stitutional obligations toward the South : and it has 
been progressing with frightful velocity during the 
last six years. What kind of republican government 
is enjoyed in Maryland and Missouri, where two thirds 
of the citizens are disfranchised, and those the oldest 
and most respected citizens of those States ? What 
kind of a republican government is that in Missouri, 
where, until the 14th day of January, 1867, a clergy- 
man could not preach nor perform any of the holy 
of&ces of religion, without first taking arf iron-clad 
test-oath — an oath repugnant to the conscience of 
every christian, and which the Supreme Court of the 
United States has pronounced to be entirely illegal 
and unconstitutional ? What kind of republican 
government is that enjoyed by the ten Southern States, 
with their representatives excluded from Congress, 



MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN". 197 

and with every prospect of negro suffrage being forced 
upon them ? 

Would it not be well for us to settle among our- 
selves wliat republican government is, before we 
insist upon forcing it upon the Mexicans who detest 
it in any form ? Mr. Thaddeus Stevens says, in his 
place in the House of Eepresentatives, that Pennsyl- 
vania is not a republic, and never has been. Mr. 
Thaddeus Stevens proclaims that the United States has 
not now, and never has had, a republican form of 
government. We are to force upon Mexico therefore, 
not the kind of a government that we have enjoyed 
during the whole period of our national existence, 
and under which we became, until 1860, such a pros- 
perous, happy, and powerful nation, but some other 
kind of a government, which the radical politicians 
now in power, fancy to be a republic. According to 
Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner, a republic is a 
government where thirty-six States are governed by 
twenty-five, and where the twenty-five force upon the 
other eleven institutions which are repugnant to them. 

The Hon. Mr. Doolittle, Senator of the United 
States, in a speech, recently delivered at Philadelphia, 
said : — 

" Our fathers in the Declaration of Independence, 
you remember, declared, ' we will hold the people of 
Great Britain as we do the rest of mankind, enemies in 
war, in peace friends.' Fellow-citizens, is it the best 



198 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

way to make peace to say to these ten States, with six 
or eight millions of people, covering a country as large 
as England and France and Italy and Germany all put 
together : ' You shall have no representatives in Con- 
gress ; you shall have taxation without representation ; 
we will tax you by millions ; we will govern you by the 
representatives of the twenty-six other States ; you 
shall have no voice in the government that taxes and 
governs you?' Is that the way to make peace? 
Fellow-citizens, I say most solemnly we have never 
given to that people any just cause for revolution or 
rebellion against the government of the United States; 
but if we continue to do as this majority in Congress 
has during the last year, deny to that people the right 
of representation, tax them without representation, 
govern them, and give them no voice in the government 
we shall give to them the same cause for rebellion and 
revolution which our fathers had for rebelling against 
Great Britain. I ask you, fellow-citizens, is that the 
way to make peace ? Is that the way to restore fra- 
ternity? Is that the way to re-establish the Union? 
God forbid." 

But if Mr. Monroe had a "doctrine," Mr. Jefferson 
had one too. Mr. Jefferson's doctrine was, that each 
one of the States is sovereign, and that a State has a 
right to secede from the Union. If Mr. Monroe's 
doctrine is sound, and of binding force, why not that 
of Mr. Jefferson's ? 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 199 



CHAPTER XI. 

Policy of the Emperor Napoleon toward Mexico — Objects of the French 
Expedition — The Emperor Never Intended the French Troops to Remain 
Long in Mexico — The Arrangements for the Withdrawal of the French 
Troops were not made until the Stability of the Empire was Secured — • 
Detailed Exposition, by the French Government, of the Objects and 
Purposes of the Emperor Napoleon — Principles upon which the Mexican 
Empire was Established — Why it is Supported by Napoleon — The 
Negotiations between France and the United States for the Withdrawal 
of the French Troops — France Desires a Guarantee of Neutrality on 
the Part of the United States — Mr. Seward Gives the Guarantee of 
Neutrality. 

It lias been made an objection to the Mexican 
empire, tliat it was not only establisbecl by a Frencb 
army, but that it was tlie intention of the Emperor to 
keep it supported by a French army. I have already 
shown that the empire was established by the Mexican 
people themselves. I shall now produce some facts 
which will show the groundlessness of the latter 
objection. I shall prove that the Emperor Napoleon 
always intended that the French expedition should be 
brought to as speedy a termination as possible, and 
that the French troops should return to France as 
soon as they had afforded to the Mexican people the 
necessary aid to enable them to establish their govern- 
ment. In his instructions to General Bazaine, August 



200 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAlST, 

17, 1863, lie says: "The reorganization of tTie Mexi- 
can army is one of the most important questions 
which should occupy your attention and that of the 
provisional government. It is the duty of the Minis- 
ter of "War to transmit special instructions to you on 
this point. I will confine myself to saying that the 
desire of the French government being to restrict, as 
promptly as circumstances will permit, the extent and 
duration of our occupation, it is essential that this 
reorganization should be pushed forward with all 
possible activity." 

On the 17th of August 1865, the French govern- 
ment wrote to the Marquis de Montholon, French 
Minister at Washington, " "We have already with- 
drawn some of our troops from Mexico, and we shall 
recall them all gradually, according to the re-establish- 
ment of order and the pacification of the country. 
"We look forward with the sincerest wishes to the day 
when the last French soldier shall quit Mexico." 

On the 18th of October, 1865, the French govern- 
ment wrote as follows to the Marquis de Montho- 
lon : — 

"MONSIEUE DrOUYN DE LhUYS TO THE MaRQUIS 

DE Montholon. — (Confidential.) 

" [Translation.] 

"MiNISTRE DES AfFAIRES EtRANGERES, 

"Paris, October 18, 1865. 
" Monsieur le Marquis : — I have taken several 
occasions since two months to advise you of the dis- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 201 

positions of the Imperial government concerning the 
duration of the occupation of Mexico by the Frencli 
troops. I told you, in my despatch of August 11, that 
we called with our most sincere wishes for the day 
Avhen the last French soldier should leave the country 
and that the Cabinet of Washington could contribute 
to hasten that moment. On the 2d of September I 
renewed to you the assurance of our strong desire to 
withdraw our auxiliary corps so soon as circumstances 
should allow it." 

Oa the 10th of January, 1866, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, 
the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
handed to Mr. Bigelow a memorandum in writing, 
which says : 

" [Translation. — Memorandum.] 
" The Washington Cabinet recognizes the right which 
we have, like any sovereign nation, to make war on 
Mexico. On our side we desire to observe the principle 
of non-intei'vention. Does not the approximating of 
these two points offer the basis of a common under- 
standing ? 

" To make war is not only to overthrow fortifications 
and kill a certain number of men, it is especially to 
assure a right infringed upon, the vindication of which 
has rendered necessary the emplo3^ment of arms. Until 
this end is fully attained, the means of execution inci- 
dent to war remain legitimate. In Mexico we hope to 
obtain before long the guarantees which we have sought 



202 MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN. 

and which are to complete our final arrangements with 
the Emperor Maximilian. At that moment the mission 
of our troops will be accomplished, and they can return 
to France." 

The public mind in the United States has been con- 
fused and perplexed in regard to the Mexican ques- 
tion, and has been led to form wrong conclusions as 
to what national honor and our national interests re- 
quire of us, in regard to its settlement. The idea has 
been put prominently forward, that the Emperor 
Napoleon regrets what he has done in Mexico ; that 
it was a great mistake on his part ; that he is anxious 
to wash his hands of the whole affair; and that he 
withdraws the French troops from Mexico in order to 
leave Maximilian to his fate, and because he believes 
that the empire in Mexico cannot stand without 
French bayonets : a support which he finds to be too 
costly for him longer to afford. This idea is radically 
erroneous. 

OBJECTS OF THE FEENCH EXPEDITION, 

Napoleon organized the expedition to Mexico with \ 
certain objects in view. These objects were, in brief, ^ 
first, to deliver the Mexican people from that condi- 
tion of anarchy and helplessness under which they 
had groaned for forty years, deluded by the name of 
a republic, but which was a republic only in name ; 
second, to offer to the Mexican nation a government 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 203 

whose stability sliould be guaranteed by the great 
powers of Europe, and wbicli sbould secure to the 
Mexican people as perfect and the same liberty that 
is enjoyed by the people of England, France, or any 
other well regulated, constitutional monarchy, and all 
the other blessings of a good and stable government ; 
third, to inaugurate and set on foot measures for the 
development of the vast and inexhaustible mineral 
resources and agricultural wealth of Mexico ; fourth, 
to give to Mexico those facilities for transportation, in 
the shape of railroads, which would enable her to 
enjoy her full share of the great carrying trade be- 
tween Europe and the East Indies. 

THESE OBJECTS HAVE BEEN FULLY ACCOMPLISHED. 

These objects are now regarded by Napoleon as 
having been accomplished. The government which 
Napoleon offered t^ the Mexican people was accepted 
by them, first by the Assembly of Notables, and after- 
ward by the cheerful acquiescence of four fifths of the 
Mexican people. No one who is well informed on 
Mexican affairs disputes this, nor can it be denied 
that four fifths of the Mexican people are ardently at- 
tached to Maximilian's government, and sincerely 
desire its continuance. The stability and perpetuity 
of this government is beside guaranteed by the stipu- 
lations of a treaty between France, Austria, Belgium 
and Maximilian. 



204 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

The Emperor Napoleon therefore, can not only- 
look with pride upon his work, but he can leave it, 
and withdraw the French troops, with the full know- 
ledge that the Mexican people themselves will sustain 
the empire, the government of their own choice. In 
establishing this government, Napoleon was no doubt 
moved by a laudable and honorable ambition. Hav- 
ing established it, therefore, upon a firm and durable 
basis, his first care was to secure its permanence and 
stability. He knew that it would be vain to look for 
its recognition by the United States, until its ability 
to sustain itself had been demonstrated. He took 
pains to provide the Emperor Maximilian, therefore, 
with able and experienced officers for every depart- 
ment of his government, civil as well as military ; 
and, second, to make such treaties with the great 
powers of Europe as should secure the end he had in 
view. By the means alluded to under the first head, 
the internal administration of affairs in Mexico for the 
last two years, has been such as to make that country 
prosperous and its people happy and contented, a con- 
dition which Mexico has not enjoyed before for forty 
years past. Its finances although not in a perfectly 
satisfactory condition, are in a far better state than 
ever before ; trade and commerce are flourishing to an 
extraordinary degree and are rapidly increasing ; the 
revenues of the country are steadily increasing ; the 
people are actively engaged in all the avocations of 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 205 

industrj^ ; and the vast agricultural and mineral re- 
sources of Mexico are being developed to an extent 
never before dreamed of. Satisfactory progress has 
been made in the construction of the great railroad 
from Yera Cruz to the capital ; schools and academies 
are in successful operation, and the Mexico of to-day 
is far more like the United States than the Mexico of 
five years ago. 

HOW THESE OBJECTS WERE ACCOMPLISHED. 

This state of things has been brought about mainly 
by the active exertions of the of&cers, civil and mili- 
tary, who have been supplied by the French Govern- 
ment, acting under the immediate and personal super- 
vision of Maximilian and the Empress Carlotta. 

These are the facts to which the Emperor Napoleon 
could point, if the United States, not satisfied with the 
withdrawal of the French troops, were to request him 
to withdraw from Maximilian the moral support of 
the French government also. He could say in sub- 
stance to Mr. Seward : — " Excuse me, sir, if I decline ] J 
your polite invitation. My movements in Mexico ' 
were conducted with great deliberation, and in the 
sight of the whole world. I waited a whole year, to 
see if you would interpose in behalf of your Monroe 
doctrine. Instead of doing so, you said that you did 
not see a struggling, dying republic in Mexico, but 
that you saw there two belligerent parties, and that 



206 MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN". 

you would look on, and see us figlit it out on that 
line. Well, sir, we have done so. I found Mexico 
torn with civil commotions, a prey to faction, and 
deeply in debt to the citizens of France. You had 
refused to help her to maintain a republican govern- 
ment. I have given her a government which holds 
out the prospect of stability. Under the government 
of Maximilian, Mexico can now become a happy and 
prosperous nation." 

The whole history of the Emperor of France, and a 
careful study of his character, shows him to be a man 
of remarkable foresight and sagacity; a man who 
never undertook any enterprise hastily ; a man who 
has seldom or never failed in any public enterprise 
that he has once embraced. He is irrevocably 
committed, to support the empire in Mexico. If he 
regards the establishment of a good government in 
that country, and the deliverance of the Mexican 
nation from its former condition of anarchy and weak- 
ness, as one of the greatest acts of his reign, and as 
one of the greatest achievements of modern times, 
what candid and intelligent person will deny that it is 
so ? Will not history so record it ? 

If it be asked, " Why then, does Napoleon withdraw 
his troops from Mexico?" this is the answer: because 
they are no longer needed there. The object for 
which they were sent there, has been fully accom- 
plished. They have remained in Mexico until the 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 207 

government of the empire is firmly established, and 
until their presence is no longer required to give 
stability to that government. When the last squadron 
of those troops shall have embarked at "Vera Cruz, 
they will leave behind them an army of forty thou- 
sand native Mexican troops, and French and Austrian 
volunteers, all veteran soldiers, well armed, admirably 
disciplined, and commanded by French and Austrian 
officers. The arrangements for the substitution of 
this Mexican army for the French troops, have been 
quietly made by the Emperor Maximilian, during the 
whole of the year 1866. 

Agreement between the United States and 
France. 
But it may be well to remember that certain nego- 
tiations between our government and that of France 
preceded the announcement by Napoleon of his inten- 
tion to withdraw the French troops. In the first 
place, Napoleon sought to know whether, in case those 
troops were withdrawn, the United States would con- 
tinue to maintain their policy of neutrality and non- 
intervention toward Mexico? On the 12th of Feb- 
ruary, 1866, Mr. Seward gives a plain and direct 
answer to this question. In his dispatch of that 
date to the Marquis d© Montholon, he assures the 
French government that, in case the French troops 
are withdrawn from Mexico, the United States will 
continue to maintain our policy of neutrality and 



208 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

non-intervention toward Mexico. This was all that 
Napoleon desired, for he immediately rejoined, that 
that assurance was perfectly satisfactory to him ; and 
on the 6th of April, 1866, M. Drouyn de Lhuys wrote 
to the French minister here, and desired him to con- 
vey to the United States government the information 
that, depending upon that pledge of neutrality upon 
our part, the French troops would be withdrawn from 
Mexico in detachments. Substantially, therefore, the 
withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico is to 
take place in pursuance of a solemn agreement be- 
tween France and the United States, by which we are 
bound, by ever}^ principle of honor, to continue to 
maintain our policy of neutrality toward Mexico. 

But the policy of the Emperor Napoleon may be 
found clearly set forth in his own language, and in 
the State papers of the French foreign of&ce. His 
instructions to General Forey, of July 3, 1862, and to 
General Bazaine, August 17, 1863, are worthy of the 
most careful attention of the reader. They will be 
found on pages 37 and 49. 

On the 9th of January, 1866, the French government 
wrote to the French minister at Washington, as follow : 

" The Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French 
Minister at Washington. 

"Paris, %th of January, 1866. 
" M. LE Marquis : — I had desired you, by the Empe- 
ror's order, to make known to the cabinet of Washing- 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 209 

ton the yiews of his majesty's government upon the 
affairs of Mexico, and conformably to my instructions 
3"ou have brought to Mr. Seward's knowledge the dis- 
patch I had the honor to forward you on the 18th of 
October. The Secretar}!- of State replied to that dis- 
patch by a communication he was good enough to 
address to j^ou on the 6th of December, of which I 
think it advisable to recapitulate here the principal 
points. 

" According to Mr. Seward, the presence of a foreign 
force in a country adjacent to the Union cannot but 
be a ^t3ause of uneasiness and disquiet. This state 
of things entails upon the Federal governnment in- 
convenient expenses, and may bring about collisions. 
The chief reason for the displeasure of the United 
States, however, is not the fact of there being a foreign 
army in Mexico, still less that the army is French. 
The cabinet of Washington recognizes the right of 
every sovereign nation to make war, provided the exer- 
cise of that right does not threaten the security and 
legitimate influence of the Union. But the French 
army has gone to Mexico to overthrow a national 
republican government, and with the avowed object of 
establishing upon the ruins a foreign monarchical gov- 
ernment. Mr. Seward sets forth in this respect how 
much the people of the United States are attached to 
the institutions they have adopted, and repudiating all 
ideas of propagandism in favor of those institutions, he 
claims for the various peoples of the New World, the 

right of securing to themselves this form of government 
14 



210 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

according to their convenience. He would considei 
it inadmissible that European powers should inter- 
vene in those countries with the idea of destroying 
the republican form to substitute kingdoms and empires 
in its stead. 

"'Having thus frankly defined our position,' adds 
Mr. Seward, 'I submit the question to the judgment of 
France, while sincerely wishing that great nation may 
find it compatible with its true interests and its high 
honor to abandon the aggressive attitude it has taken 
up in Mexico.' 

" In concluding, Mr. Seward recalls, as a reason for 
his hope of arriving at a happy solution, the ancient 
affection of the United States for France, and the value 
every American citizen has always attached to our 
friendship in past times, and continues to attach to it 
in future. 

" I have not failed to submit this communication to 
the Emperor, and after having maturely examined the 
considerations laid down by Mr. Seward, his majesty's 
government remains convinced that the divergence of 
views between the two cabinets is, above all, the result 
of an erroneous appreciation of our intentions. 

" Our expedition, I need hardly say, was not intended 
as hostile to the peoples of the New World, and as- 
suredly still less to those of the Union. France cannot 
forget that she has contributed to establish them with 
her blood, and among the number of glorious recol- 
lections the old monarchy bequeathed to us, there was 
not one of which Napoleon I. was prouder, and which 



MEXICO UNDER ■ MAXIMILIAN. 211 

Napoleon III. is less disposed to repudiate. If, on the 
other hand, we had been actuated by an idea of ill-will 
toward that republic, would we have endeavored from 
the beginning to obtain the assistance of the Federal 
government, which, like ourselves, had claims to ad- 
vance? Would we have observed neutrality in the 
great crisis the United States have passed through? 
And now would we be disposed, as we declare with the 
greatest frankness, to hasten as much as may be possi- 
ble the time of recalling our troops ? 

" Our only object has been to claim the satisfaction 
to which we had a right, by resorting to coercive 
measures after having exhausted all others. It is 
known how numerous and legitimate were the demands 
of French subjects. We took up arms in presence of 
a series of flagrant injuries, and striking denials of 
justice. The complaints of the United States were 
certainly less numerous and less important, when they 
too were induced, some years ago, to employ force 
against Mexico. 

"The French army did not bring monarchical tra-//^ 
ditions upon Mexican soil in the folds of its flag. The 
cabinet of Washington is not unaware that there have 
been for a certain number of years a considerable group 
of men in that country who, despairing of finding order 
under the conditions of the sj'stem then existing, 
cherished the idea of returning to monarchy. Their 
opinions had been shared by one of the late Presidents 
of that republic, who had even offered to use his power 
to favor the establishment of royalty. Seeing the de- 



212 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

gree of anarchy to which the government of Juarez had 
fallen, they thought the time had come to appeal to the 
sentiment of the nation, tired, like themselves, of the 
state of dissolution in which its resources were ex- 
hausted. We did not think we ought to discourage 
this last effort of a powerful party, whose origin is of 
prior date to our expedition ; but, faithful to the maxims 
of public right we hold in colmmon with the United 
States, we declared that this question must be referred J 
solely to the suffrages of the Mexican people. J 

"The idea of the Emperor's government was defined 
by his majesty himself, in a letter addressed to the 
commander-in-chief of our army after the capture of 
Puebla. ' Our object, you are aware,' said the Empe- 
ror, ' is not to impose upon the Mexicans a government 
contrary to their wishes, nor to make our successes 
subserve the triumph of any party. I desire that 
Mexico should be born into new life, and that, speedily 
regenerated by a government based upon the national 
will, upon the principles of order and progress, upon 
respect for the law of nations, she may recognize, by 
friendly relations, that she owes to France her repose 
and her prosperity.' 

" The Mexican people uttered its decision. The Em- 
peror Maximilian was summoned by the wish of the 
country. This government appeared to us of a nature 
to bi-ing about peace at home, and good faith in inter- 
national relations. We granted it our support. 
V " We went, therefore, to Mexico to carry out the 
right of war which Mr. Seward fully admits that we 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 213 

possess, and not by virtue of a principle of inter- 
vention, upon which we profess the same doctrine as 
the United States. We went there, not to make prose- 
lytes to monarchy, but to obtain reparation and 
guarantees we were entitled to claim, and we sup- 
port the government founded with the assent of the 
population, because we expect from it the satisfaction 
of our complaints with indispensable securities for the 
future. ) 

"As we seek neither an exclusive interest nor the 
realization of an ambitious idea, our sincerest wish is 
to hasten as much as possible the time when we shall 
be able with security to our fellow-subjects and dignity 
to ourselves, to recall what remains in that country of 
the corps d'armee we sent there. As I informed you in 
the dispatch to which Mr. Seward's communcation 
replies, it depends greatly upon the Federal govern- 
ment to facilitate, in this respect, the accomplishment 
of its desire. The doctrine of the "United States, rest- 
ing, like our own, upon the principle of the national 
will, is not incompatible with the existence of mon- 
archical institutions ; and President Johnson in his 
message, like Mr. Seward, in his dispatch, repudiates 
all idea of propagandism, even upon the American con- 
tinent, in favor of republican institutions. The cabinet 
of "Washington entertains friendly relations with the 
court of the Brazils, and it did not refuse to enter into 
relations with the Mexican empire, in 1822. 'No funda- 
mental maxim, no precedent of the diplomatic history 
of the Union, therefore, creates a necessary antagonism 



214 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

between the United States, and tlie system which, in 
Mexico, has replaced a power which has, continually 
and systematically violated its most positive obligations 
toward other nations. 

" Mr. Seward seems to make the government of the 
Emperor Maximilian a two-fold reproach as to the diffi- 
culties it meets with and the aid it borrows from foreign 
forces But the resistance against which it has found 
itself compelled to struggle has no particular reference 
to the form of its institutions. It suffers the ordinary 
fate of new authorities, and its chief misfortune is to 
have to endure the consequences of the disorders which 
have arisen under previous governments. Which of 
those governments, in fact, has not found armed com- 
petitors and has enjoyed undisputed authority in peace? 
Revolts and intestine wars were then the normal state 
of the country, and the opposition raised by some mili- 
tary chiefs to the establishment of the empire is only 
the natural consequence of the habits of want of disci- 
pline and anarchy, of which the authorities to which it 
succeeds have been the victims. 

" As for the support the Mexican government re- 
ceives from our army, and which Belgian and Austrian 
volunteers give it also, no attack is thereby made upon 
the independence of its resolutions or upon the perfect 
liberty of its acts. What State is there which has not 
had need of allies, either to constitute or to defend it ? 
And have not great powers, like France and England, 
for instance, almost constantly maintained foreign 
troops in their armies ? Whe7i the United States fought 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 215 

for their emancipation, did the assistance given hy 
France to their efforis prevent that great popular move- 
ment from being truly national ? Will any one say that 
the struggle against the South was not equally a national 
loar because thousands of Irish and Germans fought 
under the Union flag ? It would be impossible, there- 
fore, to dispute tlie character of the Mexican govern- 
ment, and to consider as a motive of dislike toward it 
either the resistance it must conquer to consolidate it- 
self, or the foreign troops who will have aided it to 
cause security and order to revive in a country so long 
and so deeply agitated." 

" Such an undertaking is assuredly worthy of being 
appreciated b}^ a nation so enlightened as the United 
States, especially calculated to reap advantage from it. 
In place of a country incessantly troubled, which has 
given them so many subjects of complaint, and upon 
which they themselves have even been obliged to make 
war, they would find a pacified country, henceforth 
offering guarantees of security and vast outlets to their 
commerce. Par from injuring their rights or impairing 
their influence, it is they in especial who ought to 
profit by the work of reorganization being carried out 
in Mexico. 

" To sum up, M. le Marquis, the United States recog- 
nize the right we had to make war in Mexico ; upon the 
other hand, like them, ive admit the principle of non- 
intervention. This twofold admission seems to me to 
offer the elements of an agreement. The right of making 
war, which belongs, as Mr. Seward states, to every 



216 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

sovereign nation, implies tlie right of securing the re- 
sults of war. We have not crossed the ocean solely 
with the intention of displaying our power and of in- 
flicting chastisement upon the Mexican government. 

"After a series of useless reclamations, we must demand 
guarantees against the return of the violence from which 
our fellow-subjects have suffered so cruelly, and we can- 
not expect these guarantees from a government whose 
bad faith we had so often experienced. We find them 
now in the establishment of a regular power, which 
shows itself disposed honestly to keep its engagements. 
Under these circumstances we hope that the legitimate 
object of our expedition will soon be attained, and we 
are hastening to make arrangements ivith the Emperor 
Maximilian which, while satisfying our interests and our 
dignity, allow us to consider the part of our army upon 
Mexican soil at an end. The Emperor has ordered me 
to write in this sense to his minister in Mexico. 

" We return after that period to the principle of non- 
intervention, and from the moment we accept it as our 
rule of conduct, our interest and honor require us 
to demand its equal application by all. Relying upon 
the equitable spirit of the Washington cabinet, we ex- 
pect from it the assurance that the American people 
will conform to the law they invoke by maintaining a 
strict neutrality with regard to Mexico. When you 
shall have informed me of the resolution of the American 
government in this matter, I shall be in a position to 
acquaint you with the result of our negotiation with the 
Emperor Maximilian for the return of our troops. 



MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 217 

"I request you to Land Mr. Seward a copy of this 
dispatch, in reply to his communication of the 6th of 
December last, asking him to bring it to the knowledge 
of President Johnson ; and I rest with confidence for the 
examination of the arguments it contains upon the tra- 
ditional sentiments recalled by the note of the Secretary 
of State of the Union. 

''DEOUYN DE LHUYS." 

This admirable state paper needs no comment, for 
it is its own commentary. But every line and every 
word of it is worthy of the most attentive considera- 
tion. JSTo one, who has not read this dispatch, can 
fiilly comprehend the Mexican question ; and no one 
who has given it an attentive perusal, can be misled 
upon any vital point concerning that question. In 
our intercourse with France, on this subject, we must 
be guided by, and conform to, the principles of inter- 
national law. None of those principles are more 
clearly settled than that which declares that the right 
to make war implies and carries with it the right to 
secure the results of war. Napoleon did not cross the 
Atlantic to punish the Mexican people. He came to 
Mexico to secure guarantees for the claims which 
France had against Mexico, and these guarantees he 
could not expect to find in a government whose per- 
fidy even the United States had proved. He found 
those guarantees, finally, in the establishment of the 



218 MEXICO UNDEK MAXIMILIAN". 

present government; a government founded, as he 
claimS; upon the will of the Mexican people them- 
selves. He went to Mexico to obtain these guarantees. 
Having thus obtained them, " we sustain the govern- 
ment," says M. Drouyn de Lhuys, " which is founded 
on the consent of the people, because we expect from 
it the satisfaction of our wrongs." And he then in- 
forms Mr. Seward that as soon as the latter will assure 
him that the United States will maintain neutrality 
toward Mexico, arrangements can be made for the 
return of the French troops to France, because they 
will have accomplished the objects of the Mexican 
expedition. 



APPENDIX. 219 



APPENDIX. 



"TREATY BETWEEN THE EMPEROR OF FRANCE, 
AND THE EMPEROR OF MEXICO. 

" The government of the Emperor of the French and 
that of the Emperor of Mexico, animated with an equal 
desire to secure the re-establishment of order in Mexico, 
and to consolidate the new empire, have resolved to 
regulate by a convention the conditions of the stay of 
the French troops in that country, and have named 
their plenipotentiaries to that effect, viz. : 

" The Emperor of the French, M. Charles Herbet, 
minister plenipotentiary of the first class, councillor of 
state, director of the ministry of foreign affairs, grand 
officer of the Legion of Honor, etc. ; and the Emperor 
of Mexico, M. Joaquin Velasquez de Leon, his minister 
of state without portfolio, grand officer of the distin- 
guished order of Our Lady of Guadaloupe, etc. ; who, 
after having communicated to each other their full 
powers, agreed on the following provisions : 



220 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

" Article 1. The French troops at present in Mexico 
shall be reduced as soon as possible to a corps of twenty 
thousand men, including the foreign legion. This corps, 
in order to safeguard the interests which led to the 
intervention, shall remain temporarily in Mexico on the 
conditions laid down by the following articles. 

" Article 2. The French troops shall evacuate Mexico 
in proportion as the Emperor of Mexico shall be able to 
organize the troops necessary to replace them. 

"Article 3. The foreign legion in the service of 
France, composed of eight thousand men, shall, never- 
theless, remain in Mexico six years after all the other 
French troops shall have been recalled in conformity 
with Article 2. From that moment the said legion shall 
pass into the service and pay of the Mexican govern- 
ment, which reserves to itself the right of abridging the 
duration of the employment of the foreign legion in 
Mexico. 

" Article 4. The points of the territory to be occu- 
pied by the Fi'encli troops, as well as the military 
expeditions of the said troops, if there be Siuy, shall be 
determined in common accord, directly between the 
Emperor of Mexico and the commandant-in-chief of the 
French corps. 

" Article 5. On all the points where the garrison 
shall not be exclusively composed of Mexican troops, 
the military command shall devolve on the French com- 
mander. In case of expeditions combined of French 
and Mexican troops, the superior direction of those 
troops shall also belong to the French commander. 



APPENDIX. 221 

" Article 6. The Frencli commanders shall not inter- 
fere with any branch of the Mexican administration. 

"Article Y. So long as the requirements of the 
French corps d'armee shall necessitate a two monthly- 
service of transports between France and Yera Cruz,, 
the expense of the said service, fixed at the sum of four 
hundred thousand francs per voyage, (going and return- 
ing,) shall be paid by Mexico. 

" Article 8. The naval stations which France main- 
tains in the West Indies and in the Pacific Ocean shall 
often send vessels to show the French flag in the ports 
of Mexico. 

" Article 9. The expenses of the French expedition 
to Mexico, to be paid by the Mexican government, are 
fixed at the sum of two hundred and seventy million 
francs for the whole duration of the expedition down to 
the 1st of July, 1864. That sum shall bear interest at 
the rate of three per cent, per annum. From the 1st of 
July all the expense of the Mexican army shall be at the 
charge of Mexico. 

" Article 10. The indemnity to be paid to France by 
the Mexican government for the pay and maintenance 
of the troops of the corps d'armee after, the 1st of July, 
1864, remains fixed at the sum of one thousand francs a 
year for each man. 

"Article 11. The Mexican government shall hand 
OA^er to the French government the sum of sixty-six 
million francs in bonds of the loan at the rate of issue, 
viz. : fifty-four million francs, to be deducted from the 
debt mentioned in Article 9, and twelve million francs 



222 MEXICO UNDEE MAXIMILIAN. 

as an instalment of the indemnities due to Frenchmen 
in virtue of Article 14 of the present convention. 

"Article 12. For the payment of the surplus of the 
■war expenses, and for acquitting the charges in Articles 
Y, 10, and 14, the Mexican government engages to pay- 
annually to France the sum of twenty-five millions in 
specie. That sum shall be imputed, first, to the sums 
due in virtue of articles T and 10; and secondly, to 
the amount, interest and principal, of the sum fixed in 
Article 9 ; thirdly, to the indemnities which shall remain 
due to the French subjects in virtue of Article 14 and 
following. 

"Article 13. The Mexican government shall pay, on 
the last day, of every month, into the hands of the 
paymaster-general of the army, what shall be due for 
covering the expenses of the French troops remaining 
in Mexico, in conformity with Article 10. 

"Article 14. The Mexican government engages to 
indemnify French subjects for the wrongs they have 
newly suffered, and which were the original cause of 
the expedition. 

"Article 15. A mixed commission, composed of 
three Frenchmen and three Mexicans, appointed by 
their respective governments, shall meet at Mexico 
within three months, to examine and determine these 
claims. 

"Article 16. A commission of revision, composed 
of two Frenchmen and two Mexicans, appointed in the 
same manner, sitting at Paris, shall proceed to the 
definite liquidation of the claims already admitted by 



APPENDIX. 223 

the commission designated in the preceding Article, 
and shall decide on those which have been received for 
its decision. 

"Article 11. The French government shall set at 
liberty all the Mexican prisoners of war as soon as the 
Emperor of Mexico shall have entered his States. 

" Article 18. The present convention shall be ratified 
and the ratifications exchanged as early as possible. 

"Done at the castle of Miramar, this 10th day of 
April, 1864. 

" HERBET 

"JOAQUIIS' YELASQTJEZ DE LEON." 



II. 

"THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE 
FRENCH MINISTER IN WASHINGTON. 

"Paris, 11th of August, 1865, 
" Monsieur le Marquis: — The minister of the United 
States addressed to me on the 1st instant the note of 
which you will find a copy annexed. In the answer, 
of which a copy is also given, which I sent by the 
Emperor's command to this communication, I felt 
bound to declare to Mr. Bigelow that, always ready to 
reply to demands for explanations addressed to us in 
a friendly manner, we could not think of responding to 
interpellations expressed in a threatening tone relative to 
vague allegations founded on equivocal documents. At 
the same time I took the opportunity afforded by the 



224 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

communication of llie minister of the United States, to 
remind him that, as observers of a scrupulous neutrality 
in all the internal questions which may agitate or 
divide the American Union, we were entitled to rely on 
the exact and loyal reciprocity promised to us on his 
part with regard to the affairs of Mexico. We do rely 
on it, in fact, and yet we are unable to conceal from 
ourselves that there is some difficulty in conciliating 
certain recent facts and manifestations, of which we 
cannot mistake the character, with the assurances we 
have received. 

" We know that our expedition, its consequences, the 
establishment of a monarchy in Mexico, have been 
viewed with displeasure in the United States ; we have 
been told this, and we regret it. But a displeasure 
does not constitute a grievance, a sentiment does not 
create a right ; and the peace of the world would be 
exposed to continual dangers if each State, in its rela- 
tions with its neighbors, were to conduct itself solely 
to suit its own conveniences or preferences. In a free 
country, par excellence, like the United States, it should 
be known that the liberty and the right of each — State 
or individual — have for limits the liberty and right of 
others. 

" I have not here to justify our expedition to Mexico. 
Obliged to do ourselves justice, we went to Mexico to 
seek the satisfaction which had been obstinately refused 
us. We yielded to a necesssity of the same nature as 
that which had, at another epoch, conducted the Ameri- 
can arms to the capital of Mexico. The Union exer- 



APPENDIX. 22o 

cised the rigliLs of victory in all their plentitude by 
annexing a new State. France does not go so far ; tee 
shall leave Mexico without acquiring an inch of soil, and 
without reserving to ourselves any advantage not 
common to all other powers. After our formal declara- 
tions on this subject, and the categorical denials wo 
have opposed to all contrary allegations, we are dis- 
pensed from replj'ing to the persistent rumors of terri- 
torial cessions, by means of which endeavors are made 
to keep up irritation against us in the United States. 
The semblance of a government against which we made 
war disappeared at our approach. Far from pretend- 
ing to dispose of the country, we invited and encour- 
aged it to dispose of itself. 

" In a communication which Mr. Bigelow did me the 
honor to address to me on the 12th of June last, he 
was pleased to acknowledge that the success of republi- 
can institutions in Spanish America had not been such 
as to encourage the United States to attempt propaga- 
ting them otherwise than by example, and that, in fine, 
any government which should he acceptable to the Mexi- 
cans would satisfy the United States. There is no 
reason to be astonished, therefore, that Mexico, enlight- 
ened by disastrous experience, should endeavor, under 
a system better adapted to its instincts, to escape from 
the anarchical chaos into which it had been plunged by 
an interminable series of revolutions. 

"A movement took place in the sense of monarchical 
ideas in favor of a liberal prince, belonging to a 
dynasty certainly illustrious among all, but attached to 
15 



226 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

US by no bond, and with ■vvliich we had just been at war. 
The Archduke Maximilian, called by the suffrages of the 
country, and proclaimed Emperor, now exercises the 
sovereign rights conferred on him by the Mexican 
nation. No other constituted power exists on Mexican 
soil. An ex-President, flying from village to village, is 
no more a head of a government than a few bands of 
guerillas, pillaging and infesting the high roads, are 
armies. Can the cabinet of Washington be ignorant 
of that state of things ? It has itself, during four years, 
contested the character of a regular power to the 
government residing at Richmond. Are we not 
allowed to ask by what signs it recognizes in the person 
of M. Juarez the attributes of sovereignty ? 

" Our right, resulting from injury done to our inter- 
ests, took us to Mexico. We are unwilling to leave 
anarchy behind us, because we do not wish to have 
fresh wrongs to avenge, or interests again compromised 
to defend. We have already withdrawn some of our 
troops, and we shall recall them all graduallj', accord- 
ing to the re-establishment of order and the pacification 
of the countrj^ We look forward with the sincerest 
wishes to the day when the last French soldier shall 
quit Mexico. Those whom our presence disturbs or 
incommodes may contribute to the approach of that 
moment. There can be no doubt that excitements from 
outside keep up agitation. Let those encouragements 
cease ; let them allow that unfortunate country, weary 
of anarchy, to become tranquil and organize itself 
under a government calculated to heal the wounds 



APPENDIX. 227 

inflicted ; order and tranquillity will soon be established, 
and the term assigned for our occupation will be greatly 
abridged. But the fact should be well borne in mind 
that we are not in the habit of hastening our steps on 
account of haught}^ injnnctions or thi-eatening insinua- 
tions. 

" You will have the goodness, Monsieur le Marquis, 
to take in the full meaning of this dispatch, and to com- 
municate those explanations to the Federal govern- 
ment. They have for object, and we desire that they 
should have for effect, to clear up the situations and 
remove all doubts as to our intentions. We hope for a 
rej)ly in the same spirit of frankness and conciliation 
that has dictated our own language. It is not worthy 
of two great nations to allow any thing equivocal to 
subsist between them, and their governments would 
incur a severe blame in history, and a grave responsi- 
bility at the present time, if, in default of preliminary 
explanation, thej^ were to abandon to the chance of cir- 
cumstances and unforeseen incidents the maintenance 
of their good relations and the preservation of peace. 
Confident in the straightforward common sense of the 
American people and the enlightened sagacity of its 
government, we are unwilling to believe that temporary 
impulses can, against all that is common to us both in 
old reminiscences, against present interests and future 
prospects, prevent a truly solid and durable basis for 
the alliance between the two countries. 

" Receive, etc., DROUYN DE LHTJYS." 



228 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN, 



III. 

"MR. SEWARD TO MARQUIS DE MONTHOLON. 

" Department op State, ) 
"Washington, February 12, 1866.]" 

"Sir: — On the 6th of December I had the honor to 
submit to you in writing, for the information of the 
Emperor, a communication upon the subject of affairs 
in Mexico, as affected by the presence of French armed 
forces in that countr3^ On the 29th of January there- 
after you favored me with a reply to that communication, 
which reply had been transmitted to you by M. Drouyn 
de Lhuys, under the date of the 9th of the same month. J 
have submitted it to the President of the United States. 
It is now made my duty to revert to the interesting 
question which has thus been brought under discussion. 

" In the first place I take notice of the points which 
are made by M. Drouyn de Lhuys. 

"He declares that the French expedition into Mexico 
had in it nothing hostile to the institutions of the ISTew 
World, and still less of any thing hostile to the United 
States. As proofs of this friendly statement, he refers 
to the aid in blood and treasure which France con- 
tributed in our revolutionary war to the cause of our 
national independence : to the preliminary proposition 
that France made to us that we should join her in her 
expedition to Mexico; and, finally, to the neutrality 



APPENDIX. 223 

which France has practiced iu the painful civil war 
through which we have just successfully passed. It 
gives me pleasure to acknowledge that the assurances 
thus given on the present occasion that the French 
expedition, in its original design, had no political 
objects or motives, harmonize entirely with expres- 
sions which abound in the earlier correspondence of 
the minister of foreign affairs, which arose out of the 
war between France and Mexico. 

" We accept with especial pleasure the reminiscences 
of our traditional friendship. 

" M. Drouyn de Lhuys next assures us that the French 
government is disposed to hasten, as much as possible 
the recall of its troops from Mexico. We hail the 
announcement as being a virtual promise of relief to 
this government from the apprehensions and anxieties 
Avhich were the burden of that communication of mine, 
which M. Drouyn de Lhuys has had vmder considera- 
tion. 

"M. Drouyn de Lhuys proceeds to declare that the 
only aim of France, in pursuing her enterprise in 
Mexico, has been to follow up the satisfaction to which 
she had a right after having resorted to coercive meas- 
ures, when measures of every other form had been ex- 
hausted. M. Drouyn. Lhuys says that it is known how 
many and legitimate were the claims of French sub- 
jects which caused the resort to arms. He then re- 
minds us how, on a former occasion, the United States 
had waged war on Mexico. On this point it seems 
equally necessary and proper to say, that the war thus 



230 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

referred to was not made nor sought by the United 
States, bat was accepted by them under provocations 
of a very grave character. The transaction is past, 
and the necessity and justice of the proceedings of the 
United States are questions which now rest only within 
the province of history. Prance, I think, will acknowl- 
edge, that neither in the beginning of our Mexican war 
nor in its prosecution, nor in the terms on which we 
retired from that successful contest, did the United 
States assume any position inconsistent with the prin- 
ciples which are now maintained by us in regard to the 
French expedition in Mexico. 

" We are, as we have been, in relations of amity and 
friendship equally with France and with Mexico, and, 
therefore, we cannot, consistently with those relations, 
constitute ourselves a judge of the original merits of 
the war which is waged between them. We can speak 
concerning that war only so far as we are affected by its 
bearing upon ourselves and upon republican and Ameri- 
can institutions on this continent. 

" M. Drouyn de Lhuys declares that the French 
army, in entering Mexico, did not carry monarchical tra- 
ditions in the folds of its flag. In this connexion he 
refers to the fact that there were, at the time of the 
expedition a number of influential men in Mexico who 
despaired of obtaining order out of the conditions of 
the republican rule then existing there, and who, there- 
fore, cherished the idea of falling back upon monarchy^ 
In this connexion, we are further reminded that one of 
the later presidents of Mexico offered to use his power 



APPENDIX. 231 

for the re-establishmcnt of royalty. We are further 
informed that at the time of the French invasion, the 
persons before referred to deemed the moment to have 
arrived for maldng an appeal to the people of Mexico 
in favor of monarch3^ M. Dron}^! de Lhnys remarks 
that the French government did not deem it a duty to 
discourage that supreme effort of a powerful part}^, 
"which had its origin long anterior to the French expe- 
dition. 

"M. Drouyn de Lhu3's observes that the Emperor 
faithful to maxims of public right, which he holds in 
common with the United States, declared on that occa- 
sion that the question of change of institutions rested 
solely on the suffrages of the Mexican people. In sup- 
port of this statement, M. Drouyn de Lhuys gives us a 
copy of a letter which the Emperor addressed to the 
commander-in-chief of the French expedition, on the 
capture of Puebia, which letter contained the following 
words : ' Our object, you know, is not to impose on the 
Mexicans a government against their will, nor to make 
our success aid the triumph of any party whatsoever. 
I desire that Mexico may rise to a new life, and that, 
soon regenerated by a government founded on the 
national will, on principles of order and of progress, 
and of respect for the laws of nations, she may acknowl- 
edge by her friendly relations that she owes to France 
her repose and her prosperity.' 

" M. Drou3-n de Lhu^'s pursues his argument by say- 
ing that the Mexican people have spoken; that the 
Emperor Maximilian has been called by the voice of 



232 MEXICO UNDER MAXnilLIAN. 

the country ; that his government has appeared to the 
Emperor of the French to be of a nature adequate to 
restore peace to the nation, and, on its part, peace to 
international relations, and that he has, therefore, given 
it his support. M. Drouyn de Lhuys thereupon pre- 
sents the following as a true statement of the present 
case : France went to Mexico to exercise the right of 
war, which is exercised by the United States, and not 
in virtue of any purpose of intervention, concerning 
which she recognizes the same doctrine with the United 
States. France went there not to bring about a mon- 
archical proselytism, but to obtain reparations and 
guarantees which she ought to claim ; and, being there, 
she now sustains the government which is founded on 
the consent of the people, because she expects from that 
government the just satisfaction of her wrongs, as well 
as the securities indispensable to the future. As she 
does not seek the satisfaction of an exclusive interest, 
nor the realization of any ambitious schemes, so she 
now wishes to recall what remains in Mexico of the 
army corps which France has sent there at the moment 
when she will be able to do so with safety to French 
citizens and with due respect for herself. 

" I am aware how delicate the discussion is to which 
M. Drouyn de Lhuys thus invites me. France is en- 
titled, by every consideration of respect and friendship, 
to interpret for herself the objects of the expedition, 
and of the whole of her proceedings in Mexico. Her 
explanation of those motives and objects is, therefore, 
accepted on our part with the consideration and confi- 



APPENDIX. 233 

deuce "which we expect for explanations of our own 
when assigned to France or any other friendly power. 
Nevertheless, it is my duty to insist that, whatever 
were the intentions, purposes, and objects of France, 
the proceedings which were adopted by a class of Mex- 
icans for subverting the republican government there, 
and for availing themselves of French intervention to 
establish on its ruins an imperial monarchy, are re- 
garded by the United States as having been taken 
without the authority, and prosecuted against the will 
and opinions of the Mexican people. For these rea- 
sons it seems to this government that, in supporting 
institutions thus established in derogation of the in- 
alienable rights of the people of Mexico, the original 
purposes and objects of the French expedition, though 
they have not been, as a military demand of satisfac- 
tion, abandoned, nor lost out of view by the Emperor 
of the French, were, nevertheless, left to fall into a con- 
dition in which they seem to Lave become subordinate 
to a political revolution, which certainly would have 
not occurred if France had not forcibly intervened, and 
which, judging from the genius and character of the 
Mexican people, would not now be maintained by them 
if that armed intervention should cease. The United 
States have not seen any satisfactory evidence that the 
people of Mexico have spoken, and have called into 
being, or accepted, the so-called empire, which it is in- 
sisted has been set up in their capital. The United 
States, as I have remarked on other occasions, are of 
opinion that such an acceptance could not have been 



234 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

freely procured or lawfully taken at any time in the 
presence of tlie French army of invasion. The with- 
drawal of the French forces is deemed necessarj^ to 
allow such a proceeding to be taken by Mexico. Of 
course the Emperor of France is entitled to determine 
the aspect in which the Mexican situation ought to be 
regarded by him. Nevertheless, the view which I have 
thus presented is the one which this nation has ac- 
cepted. It therefore recognizes, and must continue to 
recognize in Mexico, only the ancient republic, and it 
can in no case consent to involve itself, either directly 
or indirectly, in relation with or recognition of the in- 
stitution of the Prince Maximilian in Mexico. 

" This position is held, I believe, without one dissent- 
ing voice by our countrymen. I do not presume to say 
that this opinion of the American people is accepted or 
will be adopted generally by other foreign powers, or 
by the public opinion of mankind. The Emperor is 
quite competent to form a judgment upon this impor- 
tant point for himself I cannot, however, properly ex- 
clude the observation that, while this question affects 
by its bearings, incidentally, every republican State in 
the American hemisphere, every one of those States has 
adopted the judgment which, on the behalf of the 
United States, is herein expressed. Under these cir- 
cumstances it has happened, either rightfully or wrong- 
fully, that the presence of European armies in Mexico, 
maintaining a European prince with imperial attributes, 
without her consent and against her will, is deemed a 
source of apprehension and danger, not alone to the 



APPENDIX. 235 

United States, but also to all the independent and sov- 
ereign republican States founded on the American con- 
tinent and its adjacent islands. France is acquainted 
with the relations of the United States toward the 
other American States to which I have referred, and is 
aware of the sense that the American people entertain 
in regard to the obligations and duties due from them 
to those other States. We are thus brought back to 
the single question which formed the subject of my 
communication of the 6th of December last, namely, 
the desirableness of an adjustment of a question the 
continuance of which must be necessarily prejudicial to 
the harmony and friendship which have hitherto always 
existed between the United States and France. 

" This government does not undertake to say how 
the claims of indemnity and satisfaction, for which the 
war which France is waging in Mexico was originally 
instituted, shall now be adjusted, in discontinuing what, 
in its progress, has become a war of political interven- 
tion dangerous to the United States and to republican 
institutions in the American hemisphere. Recognizing 
France and the republic of Mexico as belligerents en- 
gaged in war, we leave all questions concerning those 
claims and indemnities to them. The United States 
rest content with submitting to France the exigencies 
of an embarrassing situation in Mexico, and expressing 
the hope that France may find some manner which 
shall at once be consistent with her interest and honor, 
and with the principles and interest of the United 
States, to relieve that situation without injurious delay. 



236 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

, " M. Drouyn cle Lhnj^s repeats on this occasion 
what he has heretofore written, namely, that it depends 
much upon the Federal government to facilitate their 
desire of the withdrawal of the French forces from 
Mexico. He argues that the position which the United 
States have assumed has nothing incompatible with the 
existence of monarchical institutions in Mexico. He 
draws to his support on this point the fact that the 
President of the United States, as well as the Secretary 
of State, in official papers, disclaim all thought of pro- 
pagan dism on the American continent in favor of re- 
publican institutions. M. Drouyn de Lhuys draws in, 
also, the fact that the United States • hold friendly rela- 
tions with the Emperor of Brazil, as they held similar 
relations with Iturbide, the Mexican Emperor, in 1822. 
From these positions M. Drouyn de Lhuys makes the 
deduction that neither any fundamental maxim, nor 
any precedent in the diplomatic history of this country, 
creates any necessary antagonism between the United 
States and the form of government over which the 
Prince Maximilian presides in the ancient capital of 
Mexico. 

" I do not think it would be profitable, and therefore 
I am not desirous to engage in the discussions which 
M. Drouyn de Lhuys has thus raised. It will be suf- 
ficient for my purpose, on the present occasion, to 
assert and to give reassurance of our desire to facilitate 
the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico, and, 
for that purpose, to do whatsoever shall be compatible 
with the positions we have heretofore taken upon that 



APPENDIX. 237 

subject, and witli our just regard to the sovereign rights 
of the republic of Mexico. Further or otherwise than 
this France could not expect us to go. Having thus 
reassured France, it seems necessary to state anew the 
position of this government, as it was set forth in my 
letter of the 6th of December, as follows.: Republican 
and domestic institutions on this continent are deemed 
most congenial with and most beneficial to the United 
States. Where the peojDle of any country, like Brazil 
now, or Mexico in 1822, have voluntarily established 
and acquiesced in monarchical institutions of their own 
choice, free from all foreign control or intervention, the 
United States do not refuse to maintain relations with 
such governments, or seek through propagandism, by 
force or intrigue, to overthrow those institutions. On 
the contrary, where a nation has established institutions 
republican and domestic, similar to our own, the 
United States assert in their behalf that no foreign na- 
tion can rightfully intervene by force to subvert repub- 
lican institutions and establish those of an antago- 
nistical character. 

" M. Drouyn de Lhuys seems to think that I have 
Jnade a double reproach against the Prince Maximilian's 
alleged government, of the difficulty it encounters and 
of the assistance it borrows from foreign powers. In 
that respect M. Drouyn de Lhuys contends that the 
obstacles and the resistance which Maximilian has been 
obliged to wrestle with have in themselves nothing es- 
pecial against the form of the institutions which he is 
supposed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys to hav,^ established. 



238 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

M. Drouyn de Lhuys maintains that Maximilian's gov- 
ernment is undergoing the lot quite common to new 
powers, while, above all, it has the misfortune to have to 
bear the consequences of discords which have been pro- 
duced under a previous government. M. Drou}^ de 
Lhuys represents this misfortune and this lot to be in 
effect the misfortune and lot of governments which 
have not found armed competitors, and which have en- 
joyed in peace an uncontrolled authority. M. Drouyn 
de Lhuys alleges that revolts and intestine wars are 
the normal condition of Mexico, and he further insists 
that the opposition made by some military chiefs to the 
establishment of an empire under Maximilian is only the 
natural sequence of the same want of discipline, and the 
same prevalence of anarchy, of which his predecessors 
in power in Mexico have been victims. It is not the 
purpose, nor would it be consistent with the character 
of the United States, to deny that Mexico has been for 
a long time the theatre of faction and intestine war. 
The United States confess this fact with regret, all 
the more sincere, because the experience of Mexico 
has been not only painful for her own people, but has 
been also of unfortunate evil influence on other nations. 
" On the other hand, it is neither a right of the Uni- 
ted States, nor consistent with their friendly disposition 
toward Mexico, to reproach the people of that country 
with her past calamities, much less to invoke or approve 
of the infliction of punishment upon them by strangers 
for their political errors. The Mexican population 
have, and their situation has, some peculiarities which 



APPENDIX. 239 

are doubtless "well nnderstood by France. Early in the 
present century the}^ were forced, by convictions which 
mankind cannot but respect, to cast off a foreign mon- 
archical rule which they deemed incompatible with their 
welfare and aggrandizement. They were forced, at the 
same time, bj'' convictions which the world must respect, 
to attempt the establishment of republican institutions, 
without the full experience and practical education and 
habits which would render those institutions all at once 
firm and satisfactory. Mexico was a theatre of conflict 
between European commercial, ecclesiastical, and politi- 
cal institutions and dogmas, and novel American insti- 
tutions and ideas. She had African slavery, colonial 
restrictions, and ecclesiastical monopolies. In the chief 
one of these particulars she had a misfortu.ne which 
was shared by the United States, while the latter were 
happily exempted from the other misfortunes. We 
cannot forget that Mexico, sooner and more readily 
than the United Stales, abolished slavery. We cannot 
deny that all the anarchy in Mexico, of which M. 
Drouyn de Lhuj^s complains, was necessarily, and even 
wisely, endured in the attempts to lay sure foundations 
of broad republican liberty. 

" I do not know whether France can rightfully be ex- 
pected to concur in this view, which alleviates, in our 
mind, the errors, misfortunes, and calamities of Mexico. 
HoAvever this may be, we fall back upon the principle 
that no foreign State can rightly intervene in such trials 
as those of Mexico, and, on the ground of a desire to 
correct those errors, deprive the people there of their 



240 MESICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

natural right of domestic and republican freedom. All 
the injuries and wrongs which Mexico can have com- 
mitted against any other State have found a severe 
punishment in consequences which legitimately followed 
their commission. Nations are not authorized to correct 
each other's errors, except so far as is necessary to pre- 
vent or redress injuries affecting themselves. If one 
State has a right to intervene in any other State, to 
establish discipline, constituting itself a judge of the 
occasion, then every State has the same right to inter- 
vene in the affairs of every other nation, being itself alone 
the arbiter, both in regard to the time and the occasion. 
The principle of intervention, thus practically carried 
out, would seem to render all sovereignty and indepen- 
dence, and even all international peace and amity, un- 
certain and fallacious. 

"M. Drouyn deLhuys proceeds to remark, that as for 
the support which Maximilian receives from the French 
army, as well also for the support which has been lent 
him by Belgian and Austrian volunteers, those sup- 
ports cause no hindrance to the freedom of his resolu- 
tions in the affairs of his government. M. Drouyn de 
Lhuys asks what State is there that does not need allies, 
either to form or to defend ? As to the great powers, 
such as France and England, do they not constantly 
maintain foreign troops in their armies ? When the 
United States fought for their independence, did the 
aid given by France cause that movement to cease to ■ 
be truly national ? Shall it be said that the contest be- 
tween the United States and the recent insurgents was 



APPENDIX. 241 

not ill a like manner a national war, because thousands 
of Irishmen and Germans were found fighting under the 
flag of the Union ? Arguing from anticipated answers 
to these questions, M. Drou3-n de Lhu^^s reaches a con- 
clusion that the character of Maximilian's government 
cannot be contested, nor can its efforts to consolidate 
itself be contested, on the ground of the emploj^ment 
of foreign troops. 

" M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in this argument, seems to us 
to have overlooked two important facts, namely : first, 
that the United States, in this correspondence, have 
assigned definite limits to the right of alliance incom- 
patible with our assent to his argument ; and secondly, 
the fact that the United States have not at any time 
accepted the supposed government of the Prince Max- 
imilian as a constitutional or legitmate form of govern- 
ment in Mexico, capable or entitled to form alliances. 

" M. Droujm de Lhuys then arranges, in a graphic 
manner, the advantages that have arisen, or are to arise, 
to the United States, from the successful establishment 
of the supposed empire in Mexico. Instead of a coun- 
try unceasingly in trouble, and which has given us so 
many subjects of complaint, and against which we our- 
selves have been obliged to make war, he shows us in 
Mexico a pacific country, under a beneficent imperial 
sway, oflTering henceforth measures of security and 
vast openings to our commerce, a country far from in- 
juring our rights and hurting our influences. And he 
assures us that, above all other nations, the United 
States are most likelj^ to profit hy the work which is 
16 



242 MEXICO UNDER MASIMILIAN. 

being accomplished by Prince Maximilian in Mexico. 
These suggestions are as natural on the part of France 
as they are friendly to the United States. The United 
States are not insensible to the desirableness of politi- 
cal and commercial reform in the adjoining country ; 
but their settled principles, habits, and convictions for- 
bid them to look for such changes in this hemisphere to 
foreign, royal, or imperial institutions, founded upon a 
forcible subversion of republican institutions. The 
United States, in their customary sobriety, regard no 
beneficial results which could come from such a change 
in Mexico as sufficient to overbalance the injury which 
they must directly suffer by the overthrow of the repub- 
lican government in Mexico. 

" M. Drouyn de Lhuys, at the end of his very elabo- 
rate and able review, recapitulates his exposition in the 
following words : ' The United States acknowledge the 
right we had to make war in Mexico. On the other 
part, we admit, as they do, the principle of non-interven- 
tion. This double postulate includes, as it seems to me, 
the elements of an agreement. The right to make war, 
which belongs, as Mr. Seward declares, to every sov- 
ereign nation, implies the right to secure the results of 
war. We have not gone across the ocean merel^^ for 
the purpose of showing our power, and of inflicting 
chastisement on the Mexican government. After a 
train of fruitless remonstrances, it was our duty to de- 
mand guarantees against the recurrence of violence 
from which our country had suffered so cruelly, and 
those guarantees we could not look for from a govern- 



AITENDIX. 2-dl:3 

meut whose bad faith we had proved ou so many occa- 
sions. "We find them now engaged in the establishment 
of a regular government which shows itself disposed to 
honestl}' keep its engagements. In this relation we 
hope that the legitimate object of our expedition will 
soon be reached, and we are striving to make with the 
Emperor Maximilian arranguments which, by satisfying 
our interests and our honor, will permit us to consider 
at an end the service of the army upon Mexican soil. 
The Emperor has given an order to write in this same 
sense to our minister at Mexico. We fall back at that 
moment on the principle of non-intervention, and from 
that moment accept it as the rule of our conduct. Our 
interest, no less than our honor, commands us to claim 
from all the uniform apj)lication of it. Trusting the 
spirit of equity which animates the cabinet of Wash- 
ington, we expect from it the assurance that the Amer- 
ican people will themselves conform to the law which 
they invoke, by observing, in regard to Mexico, a strict 
neutrality. When you [meaning the Marquis de Mon- 
tholon] shall have informed me of the resolution of the 
Eederal government, 1 shall be able to indicate to you 
the nature of the results of our negotiation with the 
Emperor Maximilian for the return of our troops.' 

" I have already, and not without much reluctance, 
made the comments upon the arguments of M. Drouyn 
de Lhuys which seem to be necessary to guard against 
the inference of concurrence in questionable positions 
which might be drawn from our entire silence, I think 
that I can, therefore, afford to leave his recapitulation 



244 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAIN". 

of those arguments without such an especial review as 
would necessarily be prolix, and perhaps hypercritical. 
The United States have not claimed, and they do not 
claim, to know what arrangements the Emperor may 
make for the adjustment of claims for indemnity and 
redress in Mexico. It would be, on our part, an act of 
intervention to take cog izarce of them. We adhere to 
our position that the war in question has become a 
political war between France and the republic of Mexico, 
injurious and dangerous to the United States and to the 
republican cause, and we ask only that in that aspect 
and character it may be brought to an end. It would 
be illiberal on the part of the United States to suppose 
that, in desiring or pursuing preliminary arrangements, 
the Emperor contemplates the establishment in Mexico, 
before withdrawing his forces, of the very institutions 
which constitute the material ground of the exceptions 
taken against his intervention by the United States. It 
would be still more illiberal to suppose for a moment 
that he expects the United States to bind themselves 
indirectly to acquiesce in or support the obnoxious in- 
stitutions. 

" On the contrary, we understand him as announcing 
to us his immediate purpose to bring to an end the ser- 
vice of his armies in Mexico, to withdraw them, and in 
good faith to fall back, without stipulation or condition 
on our part, upon the principle of non-intervention upon 
which he is henceforth agreed with the United States. 
We cannot understand his appeal to us for an assurance 
that we ourselves will abide by our own principles of 



APPENDIX. 245 

non-intervention in any other sense than as the expres- 
sion, in a friendl}^ way, of his expectation that when the 
people of Mexico shall have been left absolutely free 
from the operation, effects, and consequences of his 
own political and military intervention, we will ourselves 
respect their self-established sovereignty and indepen- 
dence. In this view of the subject only can we consider 
his appeal pertinent to the case. Regarding it in only 
this aspect, we must meet the Emperor frankly. He 
knows the form and character of this government. The 
nation can be bound only by treaties which have the 
concurrence of the President and two thirds of the 
Senate. A formal treaty would be objectionable as un- 
necessary, except as a disavowal of bad faith on our 
part, to disarm suspicion in regard to a matter concern- 
ing which we have given no cause for questioning our 
loyalty, or else such a treaty would be refused upon the 
ground that the application for it by the Emperor of 
France was unhappily a suggestion of some sinister or 
unfriendly reservation or purpose on his part in with- 
drawing from Mexico. Diplomatic assurances given by 
the President in behalf of the nation can at best be but 
the expressions of confident expectation on his part that 
the personal administration, ever changing in conformity 
and adaptation to the national will, does not misunder- 
stand the settled principles and policy of the American 
people. Explanations cannot properly be made by the 
President in any case wherein it would be deemed, for 
any reason, objectionable on grounds of public policy 



246 iVIEXICO UNLEll MAXIMILIAN. 

by the treaty-making power of the government to intro- 
duce or entertain negotiations. 

" With these explanations I proceed to say that, in 
the opinion of the President, France need not for a 
moment delay her promised withdrawal of military 
forces from Mexico, and her putting the principle of 
non-intervention into full and complete practice in re- 
gard to Mexico, through any apprehension that the 
United States will prove unfaithful to the principles and 
policy in that respect which, on their behalf, it has been 
my duty to maintain in this now very lengthened corres- 
pondence. The practice of this government, from its 
beginning, is a guarantee to all nations of the respect 
of the American people for the free sovereignty of the 
people in every other State. We received the instruc- 
tion from Washington. We applied it sternly in our 
early intercourse even with France. The same principle 
and practice have been uniformly inculcated by all our 
statesmen, interpreted by all our jurists, maintained-by 
all our Congresses, and acquiesced in without practical 
dissent on all occasions by the American people. It is 
in realit}^ the chief element of foreign intercourse in our 
history. Looking simply toward the point to which our 
attention has been steadily confined, the relief of the 
Mexican embarrassments without disturbing our rela- 
tions with France, we shall be gratified when the Empe- 
ror shall give to us, either through the channel of your 
esteemed correspondence or otherwise, definitive infor- 
mation of the time when French military operations 
may be expected to cease in Mexico. 



APPEXLIX. 247 

"Here I might perhaps properly conclude this note. 
Some obscurity, however, might be supposed to rest 
upon the character of the principle of non-intervention, 
which we are authorized to suppose is now agreed upon 
between the United States and France as a rule for their 
future government in regard to Mexico. I shall, there- 
fore, reproduce on this occasion, by way of illustration, 
some of the forms in which that principle has been 
maintained by us in our previous intercourse with 
France. In 1861, when alluding to the possibility that 
the Emperor might be invoked by rebel emissaries from 
the United States to intervene in our civil war, I ob- 
served : ' The Emperor of France has given abundant 
proofs that he considers the people in every country the 
rightful source of authorit}^, and that its onl}^ legitimate 
objects are their safety, freedom, and welfare.' 

" I wrote also, on the same occasion, these words to 
Mr. Dayton : ' I have thus, imder the President's direc- 
tion, placed before you a simple, unexaggerated, and 
dispassionate statement of the origin, nature, and pur- 
poses of the contest in which the United States are now 
Involved. I have done so only for the purpose of de- 
ducing from it the arguments you will find it necessary 
to employ in opposing the application of the so-called 
Confederate States to the government of his majesty the 
Emperor for a recognition of their independence and 
sovereignty. The President neither expects nor desires 
any intervention, or even any favor, from the govern- 
ment of France, or any other, in this emergency. What- 
ever else he may consent to do, he will never invoke nor 



248 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

even admit foreign interference or influence in this or 
any other controversy in which the government of the 
United States may "be engaged with any portion of the 
American people.' 

^ * * * 5ic JjC 

"'Foreign intervention would oblige us to treat 
those who should yield it as allies of the insurrectionary 
party, and to carry on the war against them as enemies. 

'"However other European powers may mistake, his 
majesty is the last one of those sovereigns to misappre- 
hend the nature of this controversy. He knows that 
the revolution of 1716, in this country, was a successful 
contest of the great American idea of free, popular 
government against resisting prejudices and errors. 
He knows that the conflict awakened the sympathies of 
mankind, and that ultimately the triumph of that idea 
has been hailed by all European nations He knows at 
what cost European nations for a time resisted the pro- 
gress of that idea, and, perhaps, is not unwilling to con- 
fess how niuch France, especially, has profited by it. 
He will not fail to recognize the presence of that one 
great idea in the present conflict, nor will he mistake 
the side on which it will be found. It is, in short, the 
very principle of universal suffrage, with its claim of 
obedience to its decrees, on which the government of 
France is built that is put in issue by the insurrection 
here, and is in this emergency to be vindicated and 
more effectually than ever established by the govern- 
ment of the United States.' 

" In writing upon the same subject to Mr. Dayton, 



APPENDIX. 249 

on the 30th of May, 1861, I said : ' ISTothing is wanting 
to that success except that foreign nations shall leave 
ns, as is our right, to manage our own affairs in our 
own way. The}^, as well as we, can only suffer hy their 
intervention. No one, we are sure, can judge better 
than the Emperor of France how dangerous and 
deplorable would be the emergency that should intrude 
Europeans into the political contests of the American 
people.' 

" In declining the offer of French mediation, on the 
8th of June, 1861, I wrote to Mr. Dayton: 'The 
present paramount dut}^ of the government is to save 
the integrit}'- of the American Union. Absolute, self- 
sustaining independence is the first and most indis- 
pensable element of national existence. This is a 
republican nation ; all its domestic affairs must be con- 
ducted and even adjusted in constitutional forms, and 
upon constitutional, republican principles. This is an 
American nation, and its internal affairs must not only 
be conducted with reference to its peculiar continental 
position, but by and through American agencies alone.' 

" On the 1st of August, 1862, Mr. Adams was in- 
structed by this government in the following words : 
' Did the European States which found and occupied 
this continent almost without effort then understand its 
real destiny and purposes ? Have they ever yet fully 
understood and accepted them? Has anything but 
disappointment, upon disappointment and disaster upon 
disaster, resulted from their misapprehensions ? After 
near four hundred years of such disappointments and 



250 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN". 

disasters, is tlie way of Providence in regard to America 
still so mj'sterious that it cannot be understood and 
confessed ? Columbus, it was said, had given a new 
world to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. What 
has become of the sovereignty of Spain in America ? 
Richelieu occupied and fortified a large portion of the 
continent, extending from the Grulf of Mexico to the 
straits of Belle Isle. Does France yet retain that 
important appendage to the crown of her sovereign ? 
Great Britan acquired a dominion here surpassing by a 
hundred-fold in length and breadth the native realm. 
Has not a large portion of it been already formally 
resigned ? To whom have those vast dominions, with 
those founded by the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the 
Swedes, been resigned but to American nations, the 
growth of European colonists and exiles, who have 
come hither, bringing with them the arts, the civilization, 
and the virtues of Europe ? Has not the change been 
beneficial to society on this continent ? Has it not been 
more beneficial even to Europe itself than continued 
European domination, if it had been possible, could 
have been ? The American nations which have grown 
up here are free and self-governing. They have made 
themselves so from inherent vigor and in obedience to 
absolute necessity. Is it possible for European States to 
plunge them again into a colonial state and hold them 
there ? Would it be desirable for them and for Europe, 
if it were possible ? The balance of power among the 
nations of Europe is maintained not without numerous 
strong armies and frequent conflicts, while the sphere of 



APPENDIX. 251 

political ambition there is bounded by the ocean which 
surrounds that continent. Would it be possible to 
maintain it at all, if this vast continent, with all its pop- 
ulations, their resources, and their forces, should once 
again be brought within that sphere ? 

" ' On the contrary of all these suppositions, is it not 
manifest that these American nations were called into 
existence to be the home of freemen ; that the States of 
Europe have been intrusted by Providence with their 
tutelage, but that tutelage and all its responsibilities 
and powers are necessarily withdrawn to the relief and 
benefit of the parties and of mankind, when these 
parties become able to choose their own system of 
government, and to make and administer their own 
laws ? If they err in this choice, or in the conduct of 
their affairs, it will be found wise to leave them, like all 
other States, the privilege and responsibility of detect- 
ing and correcting the error by which they are, of 
course, the principal sufferers.' 

" On the 8th of May, 1862, Mr. Dayton was instruc- 
ted to express to M. Thouvenel ' the desire of the 
United States that peaceful relations may soon be 
restored between France and Mexico upon a basis just 
to both parties, and favorable to the independence and 
sovereignty of the people of Mexico, which is equally 
the interest of France and all other enlightened 
nations.' 

" On the 21st of June, 1862, Mr. Dayton was author- 
ized to speak on behalf of the United States concern- 
ing the condition of Mexico in these vrords : 'France 



252 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

has a right to make war against Mexico, and to deter- 
mine for herself the cause. We have a right to insist 
that France shall not improve the war she makes to 
raise up in Mexico an anti-republican or anti-American 
government, or to maintain such a government there.' 

"Accept, sir, a renewed assurance of my high con- 
sideration. 

"WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

"The Marquis de Montholon, etc., etc." 



lY. 

ME. DEOUYN DE LHUYS TO THE MARQUIS 
DE MONTHOLON. 

" [Translation.] 

"Paris, April 5, 1866. 
"Sir: — I have read, with all the attention which it 
deserves, the answer of the Secretary of State to my 
dispatch of the 9th of January last. The scrupulous 
care with which Mr. Seward has pleased to analj^ze that 
dispatch, and the extended considerations upon which 
he has entered to define, in regard to the expose which 
I have made of the conduct of France in the affairs of 
Mexico, the doctrines which are the basis of the inter- 
national policy of the United States, bear witness in our 
eyes of the interest which the cabinet of Washington 
attaches to putting aside all misapprehension. 



APPENDIX. 253 

""We find therein the evidence of its desire to cause 
the sentiments of amity which the traditions of .a long 
alliance have cemented between our two countries to 
pi'evail over the accidental divergencies, often inevita- 
ble, in the movement of affairs and the relations of 
governments. It is in this disposition that we have 
appreciated the communication which the Secretary of 
State has addressed to you, the 12th of February last. 
I will not follow Mr. Seward in the developments he 
has given to the exposition of the principles which 
direct the policy of the American Union. It does not 
appear to me opportune or profitable to prolong, on 
points of doctrine or of history, a discussion, where we 
may differ in opinion from the government of the United 
States, without danger to the interests of the two coun- 
tries. I think it better to serve those interests by ab- 
staining from discussing assertions — in mj'- opinion 
very contestable — in order to take action on assui'ances 
which may contribute to faciliate our understanding. 

" We never hesitate to offer to our friends the explana- 
tions they ask from us, and we hasten to give to the 
cabinet of Washington all those which may enlighten it 
on the purpose we are pursuing in Mexico, and on the 
loyalty of our intentions. We have said to it, at the 
same time, that the certainty we should acquire of its 
resolution to observe in regard to that country, after 
our departure, a policy of non-intervention, would hasten 
the moment when it would be possible for us, without 
compromising the interests which led us there, to with- 
draw our troops, and put an end to an occupation, the 



25i MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAN. 

duration of which we are sincerely desirous to abridge. 
In his dispatch of the 12th of February last Mr. Seward 
calls to mind, on his part, that the government of the 
United States has conformed during the whole course 
of its history to the rule of conduct which it received 
from Washington, by practicing invariably the principle 
of non-intervention, and adds that nothing justifies the 
apprehension that it should show itself unfaithful in 
what may concern Mexico. "We receive this assurance 
with entire confidence, and we find therein a sufficient 
guarantee not any longer to delay the adoption of mea- 
sures intended to prepare for the return of our SiYiny. 
The Emperor has decided that the French troops shall 
evacuate Mexico in three detachments : the first being 
intended to depart in the month of November, 1866; 
the second in March, 186'7 ; and the third in the month 
of November of the same year. 

" You will please to communicate this decision offi- 
cially to the Secretary of State. 

" Receive, Marquis, the assurance of my high con- 
sideration. 

"DnOUYN DE LHFYS. 

" The Marquis de Montholon, 

" Minister of the Emperor, at Washington.''^ 



APPENDIX. 255 



V. 



"MR. SEWAED TO MR. BIGELOW. 

" Department oe State. ' \ 
"Washington, Mv. 23, 1866. ]" 

" Sir : — Your dispatch of the 8th of November (No. 
384), in regard to Mexico, is received. Your proceed- 
ings in your interview with M. Moustier, and also your 
proceedings in your interview with the Emperor, are 
entirely approved. Say to M. Moustier that this 
government is surprised and affected with deep concern 
by the announcement now made for the first time that 
the promised recall of one detachment of the French 
troops from Mexico in November current has been post- 
poned by the Emperor. The embarrassment thus pro- 
duced is immeasurably increased by the circumstance 
that this proceeding of the Emperor has been taken 
without conference with and even without notice to the 
United States. This government has not in any way 
afforded reinforcements to the Mexicans, as the Em- 
peror seems to assume, and it has known nothing at all 
of his countermanding instructions to Marshal Bazaine, 
of which the Emperor speaks. "We consult only official 
communication to ascertain the purpose and resolutions 
of France, as we make our own purposes and resolutions 



256 MEXICO UNDER MAXIMILIAlsr. 

known only iu the same manner when she is concerned. 
I am not prepared to say, and it is now unnecessary to 
discuss, wliether the President could or could not have 
agreed to the Emperor's proposed delay, if he had been, 
seasonably consulted — if the proposition had been then 
put, as the proceeding is now, upon the ground of mili- 
tary considerations alone, and if it had been marked 
with the customary manifestations of regard to the 
interests and feelings of the United States. But the 
Emperor's decision to modify the existing arrangement 
without any understanding with the "United States, so 
as to leave the whole French army in Mexico for the 
present, instead, of withdrawing one detachment in No- 
vember current, as promised, is now found in every way 
inconvenient and exceptionable. We cannot acquiesce, 
first, because the term "next spring," as appointed for 
the entire evacuation, is indefinite and vague ; second, 
because we have no authority for stating to Congress 
and to the American people, that we have now a better 
guarantee for the withdrawal of the whole expeditionary 
force in the spring than we have heretofore had for the 
withdrawal of a part in November ; third, in full reli- 
ance upon at least a literal performance of the Emperor'9 
existing agreement we have taken measures, while facili- 
tating the anticipated French evacuation to co-operate 
with the republican government of Mexico for promo- 
ting the pacification of that country, and for the early 
and complete restoration of the proper constitutional 
authority of that government. As a part of those mea- 
sures, Mr. Campbell, our newly appointed Minister, 



AITE^'DIX. 257 

attended by Lieuteuaut-geucral Sherman, has been sent 
to Mexico in order to confer with President Juarez on 
subjects Avhich are deepl}^ interesting to the United 
States, and of vital importance to Mexico. Our policy 
and measures thus adopted in full reliance upon the 
anticipated beginning of the evacuation of Mexico were 
promptly made known to the French legation here, and 
doubtless you have already executed your instructions 
by making them known to the Emperor's government 
in Paris. The Emperor will perceive that we cannot 
now recall Mr. Campbell: nor can we modify the in- 
structions under which he is expected to treat, and 
under which he may even now be treating with the 
republican government of Mexico. That government 
will of course most earnestl}^ desire and confidently ex- 
pect an early and entire discontinuation of foreign 
hostile occupation. You will therefore state to the 
Emperor's government, that the President sincerely 
hopes and expects that the evacuation of Mexico will 
be carried into effect with such conformit}^ to the ex- 
isting agreement as the inopportune complication which 
calls for this dispatch shall allow. Mr. Campbell will 
be advised of that complication. Instructions will be 
issued to the United States military forces of observa- 
tion to await in every case special directions from the 
President. This will be done with a confident expecta- 
tion that the telegraph or the mail may seasonably 
bring us a satisfactory resolution from the Emperor in 
reply to this note. You will assure the French govern- 
ment that the United States, while they seek the relief 

n 



258 MEXICO UJN'DEE MAXIMILIAN. 

of Mexico, desire notliing more earnestly than to 
preserve peace and friendship with France ; nor does 
the President allow himself to doubt that what has been 
determined in France, most inauspiciously, as we think, 
has been decided upon inadvertently, without full reflec- 
tion upon the embarrassment it must produce here, and 
without any design to retain the French expeditionary 
forces in Mexico beyond the full period of eighteen 
months originally stipulated for the complete evacuation. 

" I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

"WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

"To John Bigelow, Esq., &c., Paris." 



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